Voters accreditation at Arousa Primary School at Ehor, Edo state, Saturday.
By Ochereome Nnanna
IN many ways, the July 14, 2012 governorship election in Edo State reminded me of the June 12, 1993 presidential election. I covered both elections. Just like its 1993 peer, the weather was clement: cool and cloudy with sunny intervals but no rain, at least in Kano and Benin City where I reported from. But the following day the heavens opened up.
The electorate was well mobilised. They turned out in their numbers, enthusiastic and patient to cast their ballots. The security organisations, particularly the Nigerian Army, Police and the Department of State Security Services, SSS, came out to work for democracy, not vested political interests or the party in power.
The ideological setting was also similar. The Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, which controls the Federal Government was akin to the National Republican Convention, NRC, which was favoured by the Federal Government. The Action Congress of Nigeria, ACN, was much like the Social Democratic Party, SDP, in that it is perceived as “a little to the left”.
Finally the candidates: Comrade Adams Oshiomhole was not just the incumbent, he also had the track record of performance even as the President of the Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC. Same could not be said for his opponent of the PDP, retired Major General Charles Airhiavbere, who posted the dark horse image of NRC’s presidential candidate, Alhaji Bashir Tofa. Airhiavbere was imposed on the PDP by the political godfather of Edo State, Chief Tony Anenih.
The campaigns were similarly themed. The presidential candidate of the SDP, Chief Moshood Abiola’s Muslim-Muslim ticket campaigned on a pan-Nigerian mandate, while the NRC banked on the conventional wisdom that the “majority” North would support the Muslim presidential candidate while the East would vote for the ticket because of the Igbo/Christian running mate, Dr Sylvester Ugoh. The PDP had hoped that the Benin people, who occupy the Edo South zone that accounts for 55 per cent of the population, would vote for their “son”, Airhiavbere, against Oshiomhole who comes from the northern part with its small population.
The choice was very clear before the people. The PDP with Anenih as the chief political force had ruled the state for nearly 10 years of our nascent democracy, producing two governors. They left the state desolate and dispirited. It was during the PDP rule that Chief Igbinedion coined the cynically humorous catch-line: Pikin wey fail exam dey repeat, no be so? (Is it not true that a pupil who fails in an exam is asked to repeat the class?) The PDP had become so cocksure of its ability to win elections in the state that it no longer felt the electorate had a hand in it. All eyes were on the godfather to turn day into night and man into woman, and even he himself felt he could.
And yet, Oshiomhole could not have become governor if it had not been for the split in the PDP camp. In 2006/2007, Anenih wanted his son in-law and fellow Ishan man, Dr Odion Ugbesia, to succeed outgoing Governor Gabriel Igbinedion. But outgoing President Olusegun Obasanjo propped up Professor Oserhiemen Osunbor (who was related to his late wife, Stella) whom the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, Chairman, Professor Maurice Iwu, later awarded the election.
Oshiomhole had picked up the ticket of the ACN and created a complicated alliance whereby Governor Igbinedion, Chief Anenih and the Labour Party supported him. When he won his case at the Appeal Tribunal, he entered the Dennis Osadebay Government House indebted to the godfather.
It was after Anenih virtually dictated the 2009 budget to him that Oshiomhole decided the party must end. He painstakingly plotted the fall of Anenih.
He knew that the schools were going to be the polling centres for all elections and he commenced massive rehabilitation and modernisation of primary and secondary schools, widened ancient dilapidated urban roads and constructed many new rural roads. He started the de-flooding of Benin City and raised internally-generated revenue from N250 million to over N2 billion monthly. Within four years, Edo State moved from its past of stagnation to visible rapid development.
The difference, as they say, was clear and the choice simple: Edo chose performance rather than ethnicity. The Edo guber has conclusively proved a point that June 12 started making before it was rudely terminated: Give Nigerians good leadership and they would turn their backs on ethnic, sectional or religious sabre-rattling. The politics of ethnicity, zoning and rotation only thrives in an atmosphere of poor leadership and deprivation. People ask for their turn to enjoy the pie rather than make a difference.
That was why the people flooded the streets in jubilation once the results were announced. The losing party did not have the gumption to allege rigging. It was an exemplary election because everybody – the political parties, security agencies, the candidates, the electorate, the Presidency and the INEC behaved well. Those who wanted to rig the election did not have the opportunity to do so. There was no reported case of ballot snatching or pronounced thuggery.
There were only three sore spots. Number one: An accident where three policemen were drowned while conveying electoral materials to Ajorki in Ikpoba/Okha local government area. Number two: INEC’s old malaise of late delivery of electoral materials, which left many wondering when this problem would be overcome. And three, Governor Oshiomhole’s rather hasty condemnation of INEC Chairman, Attahiru Jega because of minor hitches in his polling unit and a few other parts of the state.
It was based on this that his opponent, Airhiavbere, said he would not congratulate him until he had heard from his polling agents. Airhiavbere hinged his reservation on Oshiomhole’s comments. However, Oshiomhole’s combative assertion came from his conviction that Anenih was up to an unholy scheme to thwart the will of the people.
Edo has set the pace. Let us build on it.
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