In 1976, the 49 -man  Constitution Drafting  Committee, headed by the  late Chief Rotimi Williams, received 346 memoranda from various groups, individuals and government agencies, on how best to produce  a new constitution for Nigeria.

Among those who submitted memoranda  then were, Mr Victor Attah, who later became the governor of Akwa Ibom  State; Chief Olu Akinfosile; Shehu Kabara; Ali Makele; Mustapha Lantaiwa; Lady Deborah Jibowu; E.O Fagbamiye; Prof Eme Awa; Prince J.A Ademiluyi; P.L Alaagoa; Chief A.K Olumofin; Francis Orok; Saidu Kawu, Ladipo Adamolekun; Dr Lateef Adegbite; Dr. Nnamdi Azikwe; Y. B Ahmed; Kaye Arojojoye; Prince Alade Lamuye; Justice A. N. Aniagolu; Haliru Binji;  Prof. Omo Omoruyi; Chief Kola Balogun;  Chief Ebenezer Babatope;  Justice A B Umaru and Ahmadu Wakilli.

To  facilitate its work, the committee later created 7 sub-committees.

The sub-committee on the EXECUTIVE and LEGISLATURE was headed by Alhaji Abdul Razaq, a legal practioner from Ilorin, Kwara  State, who had served as a minister in the Tafawa Balewa era. He was, in fact, the first lawyer from the then northern Nigeria.

The other members of the sub-committee were  the late Dr Kingsley Ozumba Mbadiwe; Dr. A.O Eleazu, the then director of the think tank;  Alhaji Sule Gaya, a former minister of the then northern Nigeria; Dr. I.D Ahmed, a private medical practitioner in Kano; Dr Kole Abayomi, a lecturer at the then Nigerian Law School;  Alhaji Femi Okunnu, former minister of works; Alhaji Shehu Mallami, who later became Nigeria’s ambassador to South Africa and  the late Mr S.G Ikoku.

The report of Alhaji Rasaq’s sub- committee as adopted  said:

“ It was imperative that Nigeria adopt the single executive type. We also considered a suggestion that the vice president should be equipped to provide a political counterpoise to the president, but felt that this, like dual executive, could create a paralysis in the executive structure itself. The relations of the president of the republic to that of his vice president should be of one pilot and co-pilot, rather than the latter being a counterpoise to the former. The psychological position of the single chief executive is stronger in that it gives an image of strength, unity, single mindedness and clear locus of responsibility:

The second point is that of the rotational principle embodied in the mode of election of the kind of president recommended. Here again, the question that bothered the sub-committee was how the kind of national figure which we envisaged could emerge. We were very much influenced by the debate on national objectives and public accountability and the need to replace ethnic with national politics, etc.  In short, it is the intention of the sub- committee that anybody who wants to be a president must strive to become a national figure, and the method of his election is meant to provide him with a means of “nationalizing” himself as well as test his standing as a national figure. Bearing in mind the need for simplicity of language we have avoided legal phraseology as much as possible and we left this task to Legal Drafting ” Sub-Committee”.

When the 1979 constitution was finally published, the only job given to the vice president is the chairmanship of the National Economic Council, a council whose main job is to “advise” the president  concerning the economic affairs of the federation.

So, from 1979, till date, no constitutional responsibilities have been given to the vice president. The charge is that the constitution has made the president  a god who controls everything in the country. One cannot blame the president  after all; he  didn’t write  the constitution.

*Eric TENIOLA was pioneer  editor of the Evening Punch in 1985 and retired as a director  in the THE PRESIDENCY, OSGF, in 2007.