By Tabia Princewill
I’ve often argued in this column that with better communication not only would people’s perception of government action improve, so would its strategies and overall ability to meet its objectives. Carrying Nigerians along has always been a problem for successive administrations, with public officials in Nigeria seemingly (and bewilderingly) believing their electorates’ feelings and opinions matter little.

Almost every one of our parties imagines it represents the interest of the common man (or pretends to) but none have fundamentally changed either our politics, our country or gone beyond simplistic condemnations of each other to offer workable solutions to our collective underdevelopment: no matter how rich any Nigerian thinks he is, no matter how easy it is for him to connive with those in power to fraudulently obtain foreign exchange and import would-be luxury items (note, most of the things we consider as “luxury” in Nigeria are basic consumer items available to all abroad, payable through monthly instalments by credit card), he is still seen as small and insignificant by his Western counterparts because we produce nothing (Africa’s share of global trade is insignificant) and our spending power is thus limited.

We’ve failed to ask our leaders the tough questions, content with simplistic populist messaging, rice and other give-aways. In fact, I was personally disappointed to see that many of the reports covering the Education Minister Adamu Adamu’s roadmap for the sector focused only on his statement that 25.3 million students at all levels were out of school but didn’t actually give details on the strategies the minister would have outlined to tackle this.

How does anyone hold government to account without knowing its plans? There is still no concerted, consistent effort to inform Nigerians about what the reality of the change they voted for actually is: both the media and government’s own communications personnel are letting Nigerians down. The APC government so far has shown what exactly it means to squander good will simply because it doesn’t have the best people working for it or representing it and this cuts across ministries and departments.

APC’s victory in 2015 represented a disavowal of the corrupt, elite-centred old order characterised by what many felt was PDP’s long misrule. However, with APC now in power, some were surprised to see many of the old, sullied faces remain, their cronies acting out a script all too reminiscent of our recent past. The impression of “politics-as-usual” destroyed momentum and continues to undermine public confidence in government, leading a number of observers to wonder “what next”? Will Nigeria see, as it happened in Greece, Spain and other EU countries, newer parties (e.g. “Podemos” which translates as “We Can”) riding on popular disenchantment with mainstream politicians and achieving power based on their offering charismatic new faces, breaking from the insular world of sleaze and corruption which typically, our own politicians seem to be drawn from?

The rot in Nigerian politics has been excused and ignored: the budget padding saga itself, the attempt to deal with it as an “in house” party affair as opposed to an event that represents the complete dysfunction of our democracy, shows that although there may be some good in mainstream politics, the bad always outshines it, causing parties to lose credibility and eventually, elections, unless there are no double-standards and indeed, we decide, that there will be no hiding place for corruption. A certain Goodluck once had the same goodwill as Buhari, he was a new face on the national stage.

Even the self-appointed “servant leader” he replaced in office once had his share of optimists in his corner. But in party politics in Nigeria one finds rogues promoted as Ministers and advisers, and the few good men that do exist in said parties struggle to be heard. Perhaps it’s time for something new.

The same way APC came together, why can’t other opposition parties (excluding the PDP which no amount of re-branding could resuscitate) band together to offer an alternative in 2019? Parties in Nigeria routinely use state funds to conduct their operations, but one open to the ideas of young people and new technologies could find ways to circumvent “federal might” itself. The key is to be clear about priorities and to make an early impact.

The APC squandered its first 100 days. Abroad, parties try to do too much on too many fronts. In Nigeria, we do too little on too many fronts. The Nick Clegg/David Cameron led Coalition in 2010 chose free schools and National Health Service reforms as its first widely communicated and publicised goals. In Nigeria, it is all too difficult to identify what any party stands for or what policies it believes in, which invariably, as with the APC, results in a loss of credibility, particularly when evidence of its plans or successes is so poorly communicated. APC squandered its chance to bring in fresh ideas by allowing the same old hands to take control of what should have been a break from the old way—a new party has the opportunity to do something else entirely.

David Cameron’s 2010 government developed an Implementation Unit to monitor policy developments and ensure coherence. There are many good ideas circulating in Nigeria, but implementing them correctly seems to elude us, particularly because plans are often not developed enough and nepotism impedes knowledgeable individuals from carrying out said plans, in favour of family members, friends etc.

What any new party should think about is the handover process: sabotage from civil servants and beneficiaries of the old, corrupt order is the norm in Nigeria, but when punishment isn’t swift, the impression of laxity can be more damaging than the crime itself. Parties in Nigeria need to realise that developing and expressing policy plans counts as much in a modern democracy as getting elected (it is in fact the yardstick by which one is judged). It’s not too late for the APC to redeem itself—three years is both very long (or very short).

Nigerians need to see the change they voted for. Another word for it is social justice: what are the plans to end hunger? To ensure young people have a future to look forward to? If the plans are not properly communicated, then it’s time for another party to hound the APC into providing answers and why not, to provide its own. That’s democracy.

Senator Ali Modu Sheriff

KAKA  Shehu Lawan, the Attorney General and Commissioner of Justice in Borno State released 40 reasons expanding on his claim that a former governor of Borno, Senator Ali Modu Sheriff, enabled the Boko Haram insurgency. It’s not the first time the Senator, now vying for the PDP Chairmanship, has been publicly linked to the terrorist group, yet nothing seems to have been done to investigate this claim or disprove it, beyond trite, simplistic denials.There is a history of claims linking influential politicians to threats to our national security, notably the Avenger case today, yet nobody ever pays for the lives and property lost. Yet another reason why a coalition of parties, uniting individuals who are not linked to either the APC or PDP, seems necessary, for the truth to finally be known.

Child rights

The Gombe State Command of the National Drugs Law Enforcement Agency, NDLEA, is concerned about drug use in children under 15. The state commander of the agency was recently quoted as saying: “They use syringes and needles to inject illicit substances to their veins, the substances embolden them to carry out all sorts of vices, unprotected sex inclusive”. Where are the plans to tackle this? First ladies in Nigeria visit orphanages or give out food, none seems to have what it would take to develop ideas to effect real change in the lives of women and children: Why don’t they hire competent aides then? We are betrayed by our leaders when they fail us. We betray our country when we accept mediocre people to lead us.