Virtually all the commentaries in the Nigerian media concerning the largely surprising outcome of the November 8 presidential election in the United States of America suffer from one fundamental defect: they were not situated within a philosophical theory or paradigm which alone can give intellectual depth and meaning to such an important event pregnant with possibilities of global ramifications.

Contrary to the assertions of Buhari and his subordinates, lives and property are less secure now than they were on May 28, 2015. Indeed, there are good reasons why the security situation has grown worse since Buhari assumed office

The recent unprecedented nocturnal raid on the residences of Supreme Court justices and judges of the Federal High Court by the Department of State Services (DSS) based on allegations of corruption has been discussed from every angle by Nigerians. In my opinion, it is really a sad reflection of serious intellectual kwashiorkor in our universities that two well-known Professors of Law, Yemi Osinbajo and Itse Sagay, actually endorsed the Gestapo-like tactics used by DSS operatives around midnight sometime in October to arrest the top-ranked judicial officers.

Exclusive attention on Jonathan’s government creates the unmistakable impression of a witch-hunt and a desire to cripple the opposition: it is like trying to remove a dangerous weed by cutting the visible parts and leaving the roots intact

Perhaps President Buhari and his team underestimated the enormity of problems awaiting them, meaning that they were not well prepared in advance for the challenges ahead. One would have expected the President to hit the ground running, as someone who contested thrice for the presidency and lost.

Nigeria is not yet a nation in the real sense of the word, because the awareness of belonging to a community with shared history, common values and feeling of oneness and solidarity to shape the future together has yet to germinate and blossom in a significant number of Nigerians from various ethnic nationalities and religions across the country. Nationhood is not just about belonging to the same geopolitical space with others. Rather,it entails a dynamic psychic nexus, a glue of creative imagination and habitual feeling of unity-in-diversity with fellow nationals at both conscious and subconscious levels, including a shared strong belief in an ideal, dream and historical destiny that must be worked for – and, if necessary, die for as well.

One of the most interesting issues dealt with in metaphysics as a branch of philosophy right from the time sages in different parts of the world began to philosophise in antiquity is the question of appearance and reality. In thinking about the subject, philosophers use it to signify a contrast between the world of “mere appearance” usually considered to be nothing more than a reflection or shadow of something greater, with what is real and, therefore, probably of more value and permanent. It is claimed further that when the “really real” is cognised as such, it serves as the foundation of wisdom and knowledge.

DOUGLAS ANELE The concluding part of our marathon series on the pointlessness and folly of the revenge coup of 29 July 1966 published last Sunday needs some improvement. First, it ended a little bit abruptly, and seemed, in the words of the British novelist, Thomas Hardy, like “a fraction looking for its integer.” Aside from […]

However, Ojukwu had been under tremendous pressure: he tried to calm separatist agitations in his region, which became more stringent and vociferous after the pogroms of May, 1966; he also struggled with the huge task of resettling over one million refugees that poured into the east from different parts of the country, especially from northern Nigeria

To start with, when Gowon came back to Lagos, some top federal civil servants were surprised at the scope and depth of concessions he made to Ojukwu. Consequently, they advised him, wrongly, not to implement it because, in their opinion, the agreement was “unworkable.” Given that the Aburi summit essentially affirmed the structure of governance in the first republic which worked so well before the coup of January 15 truncated it, the only reasonable explanation of their negative stance was myopic selfishness motivated by desire to preserve their exalted positions in Gowon’s government.