By Douglas Anele

At this point, let us discuss one of the main reasons for having a low-key centenary celebration, namely, our inability to tame the octopus called corruption and indiscipline, whose ugly tentacles have spread to every facet of our national life, including the judiciary, the purported “last hope of the common man.”

Corruption is a negative word that covers many things. Here, we are drawing attention to the propensity of government officials to divert public funds and assets into private use. Since amalgamation, corruption has been part of public administration in the country at all levels. However, the phenomenon is now so deeply entrenched, habitual and widespread, from the highest echelons of power to the lowest, that Nigeria is one of the most corrupt countries in the world.

During the colonial period, Nigerians appointed to various positions of authority connived with unscrupulous British officials to steal public funds. At independence, corruption steadily grew worse. Members of the political elite who inherited power from the departing colonialists saw it as an opportunity for self-enrichment, debauchery and petty-minded scheming for power.

It is therefore not surprising that Major Chukwuma Nzeogwu and other ringleaders of the January 15, 1966 coup cited corruption as the major reason why they sought to overthrow the clueless government of Abubakar Tafawa Balewa. Since then, corruption has grown to the level that, in 2014, misappropriation of public funds by top public officials is usually in the order hundreds of millions and billions of naira or their foreign currency equivalents.

Chinua Achebe, in his little book, The Trouble with Nigeria, correctly identified the ruling elite as the chief culprit in canonising corruption as a way of life. The problem of corruption and indiscipline in the ruling class is worrisome, because effort to combat it by members of the same cabal has always been half-hearted and ineffective.

For instance, President Jonathan committed a serious error of judgement by pardoning former Governor of Bayelsa State, Diepreye Alamieyesiegha, who was convicted in 2008 for stealing more than $10 million in state funds. In my opinion, despite the exonerative hot air from Jonathan’s sycophants, that singular act makes his administration the most corruption-friendly government in Nigerian history.

Make no mistake about it; the malignant cancer of corruption is worse now than it has ever been, because of the unprecedented and reckless manner in which politicians, from the presidency down to local government chairmen and their acolytes, are using the country’s resources to destroy the very country they swore to protect. Of course, the widening eddies of corruption is a reflection of the crisis of values in our country. Since 1967, the Nigerian leadership has systematically dismantled structures created for meritocracy and replaced them with the ones that promote mediocrity, nepotism and indiscipline.

The clearest example of this is in our public universities, which leads us to important issue of deteriorating quality of education at all levels in the last hundred years. From 1914 to 1960, Nigeria had relatively few educational institutions majority of which were located in Southern Nigeria. There were no universities then, and Nigerians seeking tertiary education had to go abroad for that purpose.

In 1948, the University College, Ibadan, was founded as a campus of the University of London. In subsequent decades, the number of public owned universities increased rapidly. At all levels of education private individuals are involved as proprietors to fill the gap created by insufficient number of public schools and tertiary institutions.

Now, in terms of curriculum content, a plausible case can be made that things have improved somewhat, with the introduction of new subjects such as computer studies relevant to the demands of contemporary life. However, in terms of quality of teachers, knowledge impartation, the learning environment, including infrastructure for teaching and learning, and calibre of graduates at all levels, there is a noticeable drop in quality despite few oases of excellence here and there.

Between the 1960s and early 1980s, some Nigerian universities were probably among the best in the world, and certainly in Africa. Presently, no Nigerian university is in the first five thousand among world universities, and first ten among universities in Africa. Although some of the parameters used in webometric ranking of universities are questionable, there is no doubt that our educational institutions as a whole, not just the universities, are in serious trouble.

On this issue, our corrupt political leaders are largely responsible. Yet, within the institutions themselves, there is a rising tide of mediocrity and ethnic chauvinism which would destroy the system completely if corrective measures are not taken expeditiously. For instance, once upon a time, late Professors Eni Njoku and Kenneth Onwuka Dike were Vice Chancellors of University of Lagos and University of Ibadan respectively. Both men had solid intellectual profiles, and were selected on merit.

Their place of origin did not matter in the calculus of those that appointed them – and rightly so, because ethnicity is completely irrelevant in determining quality of performance by a VC. Nowadays, Professors of many years standing seek to become VCs on narrow ethnic platform, while others are prepared to go to any length to ensure that “a son of the soil” gets the position. The same folly of basing crucial decisions on silly criteria runs through the entire gamut of our education sector. Thus, from a panoramic view of our education since amalgamation, we are yet to evolve a system that can really address the fundamental problems of our national development.

The list of honourees for the centenary celebration shows that President Jonathan and his advisers did not do their homework well; perhaps they were not interested in applying the best standards in the process. It is difficult to ascertain rationally the criteria they used in compiling that list. In fact, a group that contains corrupt politicians, military dictators and undesirable elements, with a sprinkling of good people, is an indication of intellectual confusion and moral turpitude.

As for whether the so-called Nigerian unity is renegotiable, it is unfortunate that Mr. President adopted completely the slogan of military dictators that Nigeria’s unity is not negotiable. I am a Nigerian, although occasionally I regret it for obvious reasons and sometimes I am happy about it. The fact is that the present geopolitical architectonic of Nigeria is in need of urgent reconstruction.

Therefore, I support those calling for the institution of true federalism, based on the principle that “from each geopolitical zone according to its capacity, to each according to its contribution.” That is the only way to ensure justice and equity among the various peoples that make up this potentially great country, Nigeria.

In conclusion, like every birthday there are some good reasons for Nigerians to celebrate the centenary of their “nationhood.” Yet, a thinking government should have seriously considered the history of the country and the prevailing human condition nationwide to determine the appropriate way to mark the event.

The wasteful manner Jonathan’s administration went about the whole thing shows that little deep thinking is going on at Aso Rock and other epicentres of power in Nigeria. Like the biblical prodigal son, our leaders are telling the world that we are poor managers of our affairs. What a poor record, especially after a hundred years of experiment in nation building! CONCLUDED.