By Tonnie Iredia

Our brethren in the South West have so much to thank God for. To start with, they easily constitute the largest group of Nigeria’s educated citizens; courtesy of having a visionary leader, Obafemi Awolowo early in the nation’s development process. Consequently, they are ahead of us all in the capacity of a people to know and demand their rights.

Unfortunately, they also seem to lead in the use of unlawful methods for making such demands – a trend which if not quickly tackled might spread across the nation. It will be recalled that at as early as 7am, one fateful day in September 2010, some 9 out of 26 legislators in the Ogun State House of Assembly made history. They held a crucial meeting where among other things; they ratified the suspension of their other 17 colleagues and appointed a new leadership.

Through a motion, they went ahead to approve all the requests and proposals of Governor Gbenga Daniel. A spokesman of the group – Ayo Odugbesan swore publicly that they neither consulted the Governor nor did they have his consent for their actions. It is instructive however, that the 9 legislators were escorted to the meeting by 10 policemen.

In Ekiti State, the event was replayed in November 2014 by 7 legislators who summarily took over the management of the affairs of the State House of Assembly which ordinarily has 26 members. The other 19 members according to the state government voluntarily “ran” out of the state as soon as Ayo Fayose was elected governor.

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Thus the governor had to recognize the new leadership of the House formed by the 7 legislators who have since then, proactively ensured the easy passage of bills and matters concerning stomach infrastructure. Meanwhile what seems to have pursued the majority of 19 legislators out of the state became clearer as they suddenly “strolled” back into the state as soon as the candidate of their party-the All Progressive Congress (APC) won the March 28, 2015 Presidential elections. In seeking to reassert themselves, the legislators set out to impeach the governor.

The state government on its part moved fast by mobilizing the vibrant population of the state to block the impeachment. At a press conference last Monday, the “new speaker” of the 7-member House, Dele Odugbemi vowed that members of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) would shed their blood to save the governor from impeachment. Is that how to answer impeachment charges?

In neighbouring Ondo State the police had to shoot to disperse a group of students from physically compelling the Deputy Governor of the State, Alli Olanusi to resign from office.  His offence was that he defected from the PDP to the APC just before the recently conducted general elections. Dr Kola Alademujimi, the Chief of Staff to Governor Segun Mimiko received and addressed the students.

Two days later, Alademujimi also reportedly received another set of youth group – the Concerned Ondo State Youth – who assembled to protest the continued stay in office of the Deputy Governor.  In Osun State during the same period, two factions of the Trade Union Congress were engaged in a fierce battle to take control of the affairs of the union in the state. Using all forms of weapons, they attacked whoever including a Channels Television Crew and damaged the station’s camera.

Earlier in Oyo State, three supporters of the Accord Party (AP) were allegedly killed at a rally in Ibadan South-East Local Government Area about which the party is now set for reprisal. In a statement jointly signed by its chairman, Tunji Adeoye, and scribe, Toyose Oladejo, the party reminded the nation that no political party has monopoly of violence, stressing that their members would be forced to engage in self-help if the attack continues. Can Oyo State afford this threat?

The grave implications which the above accounts of incivility have for the whole of Nigeria are worrisome against the backdrop of the following questions. Why is it so easy for a small fraction of legislators to take control of a legislature? Who approves police protection for such political rascality? Why are our citizens often encouraged to beat-up “erring” legislators when the constitution provides a peaceful way of removing them or our people unaware of the principle of recall in our constitution which empowers 50% of voters in a constituency to remove such legislators by just signing a petition to INEC?

Is it in order for a state governor who swore to defend our constitution to turn around and aid constitutional breaches? Put differently, why would elected executives encourage and recognize the rule by the minority in our democratic game of numbers?  Does the decision of the 19 APC Ekiti legislators to boldly seek to begin impeachment of Fayose only after their party won the Presidential election not enough evidence that the power of the Presidency is often misused? Who is now empowering the hitherto scared APC legislators? At the same time, our constitution did not envisage that impeachment would be a tool for victimizing political opponents; how come no single impeachment has been carried out for a different reason in the history of Nigeria?

University students have a right to oppose and protest undemocratic practices but should they be allowed to physically compel a deputy governor to resign from office in a country where defection is a daily occurrence? Why is it that there has been no similar reaction by students in other cases? For instance why has no one said anything against the defection of the APC Deputy Governor of Rivers State?

In other parts of the world, journalists are protected even in war situations; why then are they always beaten up at political rallies and even routine daily events in Nigeria? Any well meaning person ought to deprecate the accusation of the brutalized staff of Channels Television that the police did nothing when they were being assaulted by hoodlums in their presence. What then is the value of the reported police investigation into the matter? Indeed, what is the place of law enforcement in a resurrected wild-wild west?