THE media, especially the print media, is often the worst offender when it comes to reducing vision and mission statements into labels and mantras. Vision 20-20 is replaced with Vision 20-20-20 and there is another symbol to be treated as if it is the Policy Documents, too bulky to be subjected to critical review.
WHEN the above is the case, the problematique of constitutional government in Nigeria is civilian electoral government, not unconstitutional military rule. The puzzle for the rank and file of the Military as well as the generality of the Nigerian populace is why Military governments voluntarily withdraw from office only to return at will to office.
THE political history of British postcolonial countries began with the reform of the capitalist British Empires. The strategic difference between these postcolonial countries is to be found in the nature of their independence politics and their independence politicians.
REFLECTIONS in the media marking years of Democracy in Nigerian are by definition the microanalysis of Nigerian Democracy.
HELLO Hakeem, Merry Christmas, Happy New Year and Welcome to Vanguard. Your Bloody Democracy is a descriptive masterpiece. The core implication of your painstaking observations, for me, is the following:
THIS is why the Democratic Project in Nigeria must begin with the political formation of the project. And the primary institution whose raison d’etre is service on behalf of the mass operating on enough and less than enough household budgets is supposed to be the Organised Labour.
DEMOCRACY for the Civilian Elite was the subject of General Abubakar’s address. This is not the Project of Democracy for the Masses, Democracy for the Majority may preserve constitutionalist governments and therefore civilian constitutionalist governments, Not so for Democracy for the Civilian Elite.
GENERAL Abdusalami Abubakar, himself at a seminar on the same subject as the present one, spoke on this question of reversible and irreversible shift in the balance of power between the ruling factions, the Military and the Civilian. Quoting Graham Allison, the former Head of State said:
AS steps are taken for the review of the 1999 Constitution, it is appropriate for a perspective on this initiative to be provided. The review of the Constitution should have one overriding aim, namely: to sustain the Democracy Project in Nigeria. The citizenry must be engaged and this as critical participants.
IN this piece I will focus on government in Africa. In a subsequent piece I will address the implications of the disquisition on government for governance in Africa.
IN the November 15, 2011 edition of the Tuesday Platform I reviewed General Don Idada E. Ikponmwen’s proposal for the reform of Nigeria’s defence and security sector. He had argued for a coordination of the services through a new office. He argued that such a reform will improve the efficiency of the defence and security sector.
SATURDAY Vanguard, October 8, 2011 carried excerpts of the interview with General Don Idada E Ikponmwen, former Provost Marshall of the Nigerian Army and one time Director of Army Legal Services. The highlight of the interview was titled: “It’s sad, government can’t guarantee security Ikponmwen”.
THE following quote describesdespotic governments: “Like the crowns of France and Spain, the English monarchy had no superior in its realm, it was not in any way answerable to its subjects for its policy or actions, and no lawful means or agencies existed to control, correct, or coerce it if it was guilty of excess or wrong doing.
DEMOCRACY has therefore not been the project of any Nigerian electoral or military government. In what sense then was Nigerian politics of the Second Republic prebendal? How did Richard Joseph coin the adjective prebendal?
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