By Ochereome Nnanna
THE first part of this article on Monday reviewed President Muhammadu Buhari’s general approach to the governance in the past one year. Today, we will briefly look at the three cardinal policies of the regime (security, economic diversification/job creation and the war on corruption), how they have fared and how they can fare better in the years ahead.

In the area of security, there is no doubt that Buhari has built upon the great surge recorded towards the tail end of the Goodluck Jonathan administration to decimate Boko Haram. His experience as a military general has come to play in that Boko Haram has been completely hemmed into a small enclave, and we have reasons to hope for their annihilation sooner than later.

The Federal Government’s claims that Boko Haram “no longer controls any territory” are simply untrue, since the terrorists are not operating from thin air or foreign land. Also, Buhari’s boast to end the scourge within three months has not happened, as no such magic wand exists to fight wars, let alone a war on terror. I did not expect any magic. That apart, no one will say the war on terror is a failure under Buhari.

But during the past one year, three new security challenges emerged. The Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) protests blossomed, possibly in the wake of Buhari’s implementation of his infamous “97%/5%” formula for the distribution of federal posts, which favoured the North and West and virtually left out the South East.

The regime responded to the unarmed protesters with maximum force and mass graves were discovered in Aba environs. Unless he jettisons this formula of inequity and gives every Nigerian a sense of belonging, people would continue to fancy a better future outside a country in which they feel oppressed. There will never be an end to bloodshed, and it will never count in his favour as a good leader.

His belligerent attitude towards the Amnesty programme, unilateral dissolution of the Niger Delta
Development Commission (NDDC) board, prosecution of close aides of former President Jonathan found culpable of alleged corrupt dealings and giving back to the military the power to police infrastructure in the oil industry pushed some elements in the Niger Delta who felt their interests threatened back to militancy.

After the initial impulse to tackle the issue militarily, Buhari has pulled back to explore the stick and carrot option. He is employing some dialogue and diplomacy alongside military deployment to end the threat to our economic survival. This, I believe, is a more sensible approach than mere naked military adventurism.

But on the issue of the armed Fulani herdsmen invading indigenous communities, destroying their farms with their cattle and committing violent crimes, the President needs a total mind rejig to stop ignoring this threat. Adding salt to injury, Buhari wants to forcibly confiscate people’s lands and set up “grazing reserves” for Fulani cattle owners “nationwide” even in areas where Fulani people are not indigenes! Of course, this policy is bound to fail.

Buhari needs to deploy the police and military to disarm the criminals among the herdsmen and prosecute them. To solve the problem of clashes between farmers and herdsmen as well as cattle rustling, there is no alternative to ranching, which is a business like any other.

The President must explore best practice models around the world to settle down nomadic herdsmen to enable them benefit from a comprehensive package of empowerment to upgrade and modernise their business. Fulani cattle herdsmen, too, are human beings who deserve access to the good things of life, such as education, health, security and modern amenities.

They cannot enjoy these while pursuing an ancient lifestyle that has become a social problem in the twenty first century.

Coming to the economy, Buhari’s concern for the common people is obvious in the generous provisions in the 2016 budget for job creation, school feeding, monthly stipend for the poorest in society and massive funding of infrastructure.

His Keynesian economic model – massive public borrowing and spending to stimulate demand in the economy – is probably the only sensible way out, though it comes with the risks of a looming debt burden. If the picture that the regime paints with the goodies in the budget is anything to go by, there is reason to hope.

But the regime is accused of lacking a coherent economic roadmap which will enable non-state stakeholders in the economy – the private sector – to key in. People are complaining that the regime has no economic team, and that the National Economic Council chaired by the Vice President cannot effectively do the job of an economic team. People want to see the road ahead beyond 2016. People are unhappy at the steep rises in the cost of electricity and petrol, and the steep fall of the Naira against major foreign currencies.

People are more interested in hearing the Buhari government’s plans to solve these problems rather than to blame “the past administration”. It worked in the first year, but people are getting tired of hearing it. Above all, people are looking forward to the moment when Buhari will launch the “fiscal federalism” which is in the APC manifesto.

That is where the permanent salvation of our economy lies.
Buhari should know that his dream to provide jobs through agriculture will not work unless the Fulani herdsmen menace is eliminated as soon as possible. Nobody will like to plant their farms only for cows to eat them up. And more and more people are becoming sensitised to prepare for self-defence against the invaders and their cows.

The good thing is that the President appears far more willing to engage the people, the stakeholders and institutions in his approach to governance after one year of ruling almost like a military general. He is gradually democratising his approach to governance. It will surely help. We will conclude on Thursday with a look at the war on graft.