The National Assembly had stooped to singing  ‘On Your Mandate’ instead of the national anthem. They did it with glee, without a single lawmaker finding the revulsion to boo. That apparent dubious unanimity was ominous: to survive, we must stop a behemoth, our homegrown  Paul Biya, perhaps a Mobutu. Yet prominent opposition politicians were ducking for cover, seeking refuge in Tinubu’s bolekaja, choosing self-preservation over patriotism. Our time was running out.  Our predicament had been  laid bare

 Imperial Tinubu dismantled democracy in a state, and the craven  National Assembly subverted the constitution to approve the perfidy. The National Assembly had become an assembly of presidential stewards and clowns. But what about the Supreme Court? A Supreme Court exists to hem such nuisance, such grave erosion of our democratic foundations.  But our courts are stuck in inaction. They can’t find the guts to schedule an urgent hearing demanded by about one-third of federating states to restrain an unhinged president.  The complicit paralysis of the courts completes the picture of the crisis.

The capitulation of the main opposition party, though fairly predictable, was brutal to our democratic foundations. In this descent into despotism, the opposition politicians, rather than resist, cowered and jumped into the rampaging bolekaja lest they be consumed or relegated.  Then, what about the labour union? The trusted bulwark against authoritarianism.  While this drama unfolded, the labour union on whose shoulders the burden to resuscitate public courage now rested, chose caution. After they had been accused of planning to overthrow the government, the labour unions had become very circumspect chickens. Barely heard, forever scanning the sky, fearful of every shadow of allegation from above. Against this background, any  coalition of the withering opposition parties  is not merely a political necessity, it’s an urgent  national existential  imperative for the survival of Nigeria’s democracy 

However, the critics have cause to be alarmed.  It feels like a deja vu. The nation needs a rebirth. Their concerns are justified. Politicians of all hues have collaborated to sabotage the country. The 2013 coalition sold chaff as Change. So another coalition of political hustlers seeking relevance, fortune or vengeance must be treated with suspicion, even contempt. And this particular coalition has all the characters. The good, the bad and the damn right ugly. A good number of downright deplorables: tired vultures are auditioning for eagles’ roles. Yet, while ideological purity is desirable at the outset to soothe anxieties, inspire hope and promise a departure from instant rot, the pressing need is to halt the slide into a civilian dictatorship with a rugged counterbalance. 

The situation can’t be more compelling.  Tinubu and his lackeys, the pillars of his emerging political dynasty, radiate brazen ‘animal farm’ arrogance. A dangerous sense of entitlement to power that presupposes a proprietorship of the mandate of the people. That’s why they are organising Tinubu’s re-election festivals in the morning of his first term.  Even before Tinubu had paved 3% of the 700 kilometre road he awarded to his friend without a shred of due process. A presumptuousness that forecloses accountability. Insecurity is rampant and crippling.  No region is spared. Nobody is safe. Tinubu attends to it with responsibility-deflecting gimmicks and self-congratulatory propaganda. Rural people who haven’t been consumed by the massacres can’t farm. Hunger is spreading. And Tinubu is conveniently and callously outsourcing the feeding of the nation to Vietnam and India. Since he came food production has fallen by over 20% (ICG 2024). The 2024 Global Hunger Index ranks Nigeria 109th out of 127 countries, with 24.9% of the population facing acute food insecurity (FAO, 2025)

 Youth joblessness is blooming at 53% (NBS 2024) and perpetuating a vicious cycle. Yet Tinubu can’t find the urgency to tour the regions to fashion political solutions to tensions and douse fires to boost peace, unity, and productivity. He can’t reform the police and judiciary to entrench law and order. Tinubu’s priority is power and personal comfort. A most intoxicating cocktail.  When he is not working from France or St Lucia, far away from the death cries of Yelewata and the haunting stares of the millions of hungry out-of-school children,  he is fashioning new financial strategies to squeeze the people for sweat, tears and revenues to finance his opulence and self-serving projects. Without a fanged and ferocious opposition, even one driven by flawed motives,   our self-aggrandising president will become an unchecked tyrant.

The sceptics are right. Ageing and feeble politicians have gathered to deliver hypocritical sermons. They are once again cloaked in flowing robes and promising an illusory Eldorado without any flinch of remorse. Reminiscent of the return of a fugitive Ponzi schemer desperate for a refill, they are promising tomorrow without accounting for yesterday. These are the very architects of Nigeria’s ruin. The national political conveyor belt is recycling the same discredited charlatans with tired rhetoric under new labels. The nation seems trapped in a ruinous cycle.  Indeed Nigeria craves disruption, not a futile tug-of-war between decayed political cartels. Yet, this situation calls for more than cynicism. It calls for discernment.  With one ruthless cartel poised to seize control of the country and its people, the next best thing short of a revolution is competition among multiple cartels. By harnessing their opportunism and ruthlessness, the nation might hope they neutralise each other, creating space for the people to reclaim true control.

Nigeria urgently needs a robust opposition to force a political stalemate if need be. Otherwise, to pressure institutions and force some accountability.  To compel institutions like INEC and the Supreme Court to rediscover their sense of duty. So that critical state agencies don’t become subsidiaries of the ruling party. A boisterous, self-interested opposition—even one fueled by raw ambition and greed—would recognise that without electoral and judicial reforms before the 2027 elections, it is in jeopardy. Such an opposition would rather stage a disruptive boycott than tolerate a sham like the 2023 presidential elections in Rivers State as reported by Yiaga Africa and EU election monitors. 

A Coalition that prioritises substance over spectacle will be preferred. A Coalition that chooses leadership over politics will be better. A Coalition of the remorseful and repentant is better than a coalition of scheming, power-hungry wolves. A Coalition for democracy, peace, and prosperity rather than a coalition for venality, vengeance and vainglory. But wishes are not horses. So the poor masses must be patient.

In conclusion,  theories of democratic consolidation suggest that robust pluralistic competition, even among flawed actors, strengthens checks and balances (Linz & Stepan, 1996). So, flawed or fertile, a coalition please.