By Innocent Anaba

What really are you doing with your security vote? People expect you to set up a security outfit and fund it. That way, you won’t always be complaining about not being able to order the police or the army when the need arises.

Security vote is not necessarily money you keep and spend anyhow you like. Let me quickly correct that impression. There have been so many misconceptions about the security vote, and it has become a source of accusations and suspicion. Until you enter government, you won’t understand how the security vote functions.First of all, whether you like it or not, federal security institutions must be present in your state: the army, the police, the Department of State Services (DSS), and the Civil Defence. Like most federal institutions, I can tell you that their basic operational needs are funded by state governments. That’s part of what the security vote is used for.

Now, you cannot just set up your own institutional framework, because security is a function of law. But we are fortunate here in Plateau State that during the Goodluck Jonathan administration, we became the first state in the country to get approval to set up a state security apparatus, which is called Operation Rainbow. I can tell you that in the last eight years, it was comatose. We have since revived it, and it has greatly assisted the security agencies and the state.

Don’t forget, there are laws regulating the carrying of arms. Unfortunately, the prevalence of small arms and AK-47s in the country today is alarming. There’s a huge black market. But as a government, you must operate within the ambit of the law. Of course, that does not preclude communities from rising to defend themselves.So, security vote is not something you just dip your hand into. I don’t know how others use it, but for us, we don’t do that. For anything related to security, it’s a budgetary matter with a dedicated budget head. So, when there are security-related issues, you fund them from there.

What do you fund?

For example, do you know how much a Hilux vehicle costs now? The last time I checked, it was almost N100 million. You have to provide vehicles to the DSS, the police, and the Civil Defence. What they get from the Federal Government is not sufficient. Now, the way security agencies operate in every state depends a lot on their relationship with the state leadership. If you have a good relationship with them, their output improves.

But should that be the case?

It’s a dicey relationship. In certain situations, political considerations come in, and what they know to be the reality on the ground is countered by the “ogas at the top” in Abuja. So, you have to manage it well. It’s a delicate balance.

Because the law places security agencies under the Federal Government, you can’t just arbitrarily break off and do your own thing. It has to be in collaboration with federal agencies. Until we have state police, what you’re talking about is not feasible.

But we have Amotekun in some South-West states and it’s functional.

Yes, it is funded by the states. We are also funding Operation Rainbow in Plateau. It’s very functional—very, very functional. I can tell you that without Operation Rainbow, the situation in Plateau would have been far worse. Given the attacks and clashes, without it, things would have been terrible.

What are you doing to resolve the herders/farmers clashes?

When I met with Fulani leaders recently, I said: “Some of you have lived here for three or four generations. There’s no way you can be uprooted now. The earlier we see that we are together, the better, so we can live harmoniously.”

Many of those who have settled here have turned into fantastic farmers. I challenge these traditional narratives about our government working against anybody. When I meet with them, I confront them. Some of them are even hired by indigenes to look after their cows. Herding is not exclusive to the Fulani.

We’re saying, let economic activity be democratized. Anyone can do anything. There’s nothing that says you can’t become a potato farmer tomorrow. But despite our efforts, people still misrepresent the facts on ground for political reasons.

When you came into office, you didn’t probe your predecessor, even though you belong to a different party. Why?

When I assumed office, I decided not to do the traditional thing—when an opposition government takes over, they start probing and maligning the outgone government. That’s not my focus. It’s not who I am.

On a lighter note, even if they stole, they’re not the only thieves in the country. But honestly, many sectors we inherited were in terrible shape. I’ve spoken about the education sector.

The day the rector of the State Polytechnic came into my office, I said: “This man has to leave.” He looked more like a village man than someone who would inspire students. One of the things we’ve done is to be less sentimental in appointments. We aim to place round pegs in round holes for balanced development across the state and we have been doing that.

One accusation against past administrations is nepotism. We’re trying to address that. We want everyone to feel included, so we can break down the traditional mental barriers people have built over time.

When we took over, we discovered that in the twilight of the last administration, there was a rush to recruit staff without following due process. I am now saddled with about 600 employees in the State House of Assembly—24 members—with no defined duties and no office space. Yet, they are on the payroll. Instead of sacking them, we are rationalizing, redeploying them to MDAs that need staff. That way, we balance things a bit.

Some workers recently got a court judgment against your government. What happened?

In tertiary institutions, ad-hoc staff had sustained the system for over 10 years. But when it came to recruitment, they were bypassed, and students they taught were given appointment letters. That’s wickedness. It wasn’t about qualification; there had just been no provision for recruitment.

Institutions have standards. There should be interviews. For polytechnics, for example, there’s a minimum requirement, say, a 2:2 degree. But people were arbitrarily employed. So, we suspended all recruitments.

The court ruled that technically, I, as governor, am not their employer, the governing councils are. Because we dissolved the councils, that was the loophole. Now that we’ve reconstituted the councils, we’ve told everyone to return and go through a proper recruitment process. If you’re qualified, you’ll be retained. But we won’t keep people who were appointed through arbitrary methods.

One example: someone was given a teaching job, and his father came and said, “My son can’t teach.” No interview, no screening. The appointments were made in the last days of the previous government just to burden us.

Some things you read on social media are pure mischief. The schools will soon release accurate data. If I were sentimental, I would have sacked all the permanent secretaries who voted for the previous government, but I didn’t. I said, “Let’s work together for the state.” Many of them are doing well.

What’s your reaction to the persistent herder/farmer clashes?

It’s simply killing. Insecurity over the years has impoverished the people. Without economic power, they become vulnerable. We’re encouraging dialogue. We recently interfaced with Fulani leaders and are educating them. They can’t sustain their economy through violence.

Kidnapping has become more lucrative than cattle rearing. What’s happening in Plateau is not just farmer/herder conflict, it’s economic warfare, including land grabbing.

Last week, we sent tractors and security personnel to cultivate land abandoned by IDPs. Gunmen opened fire on the team. They had to retreat and later returned with reinforcement. This is happening across the state. So, I challenge the simplistic narrative of farmer/herder clashes.

I understand that security chiefs in Abuja don’t get firsthand information. That is also a major challenge, but I am not surprised because you need to be on ground to get adequate information and that will be done better when it is done at the local level, village level.

Do you think state police is achievable?

I’m an unrepentant advocate of state police. Most of the security issues we face can be tackled with local policing. I recently received a briefing from our security chiefs here, and they are severely constrained.

Someone in Abuja cannot know what’s happening in a remote village in my state. We need security federalism, a system that allows for localized responses. Like I said, it is easier for people at local level and villages to get the appropriate intelligence on security situation, not somebody at the state capital or Abuja. You can’t effectively police my state from Abuja, which is why I and others are calling for police. I am optimistic we will get there.

What about banditry in your state?

In the northern quadrant, near the National Park, bandits operate freely. But no local government is entirely occupied by them. The worst case was Wase LGA, which borders Taraba, Gombe, and Bauchi. That region has vast forests that became their den. But in the last two to three months, the situation has improved.

We’re planning to restart grazing in the Wase reserve and reclaim the land. Some of the bandits operating in that belt even went for Hajj this year. Two were reportedly arrested. Kidnapping has become a buoyant economy, and we’re working to dismantle it.

The first step to addressing insecurity is honest conversation. Mischaracterizing the problem means applying the wrong solutions. That’s why the crisis has persisted across the country.

It’s not the creation of Mr. President, as some try to spin it. I’m the Chief Security Officer of my state, but I’m only as effective as the information I get. I can’t go to the field.

We’ve developed alternate communication channels to get real-time intelligence. I may not be as vocal as my colleague in Borno State, but we pass our messages effectively.

Many security operatives are demoralized and depressed from long years in the field. They’re human. We encourage them, boost morale, and make them see themselves as defenders of the people.

But unless federal authorities see some of these actors as enemies of state, the same way we classified Boko Haram, we will continue to face setbacks. The ferocity of response depends on the official characterization of the threat. Despite the challenges, we are working hard to make life better for our people.