By Douglas Anele
David Hundeyin also provides useful information about how the late founder of NASCO Group, Ahmed Idris Nasredeen, used his company to bankroll terrorism both in Nigeria and abroad, and traces how the Wahhabist ideology of Abubakar Mahmud Gumi, deceased father of the disgusting staunch supporter of terrorist bandits, Sheikh Ahmad Abubakar Gumi, had penetrated the upper echelons of the northern establishment.
Meanwhile 2001, the year Yakubu Katsina initially tried to create terror cells and Taliban training camps in Kano and Katsina, is significant for understanding the sudden eruption of vociferous clamour for sharia in 1999. While preaching especially in the 1970s, Abubakar Gumi had declared that Muslims should return to strict observance of Islam and never accept a non-Muslim as leader.
Now, at the time a succession of Muslims from ShehuShagari, Muhammadu Buhari, Ibrahim Babangida, Sani Abacha to Abdulsalam Abubakar were in charge, it would have been obvious that Gumi’s odious and extremely divisive teaching was being followed by the ruling northern power block if a coordinated move for the establishment of sharia was undertaken in that period.
Therefore to divert the attention especially of naïve and historically blind southern non-Muslim elite from the Islamisation agenda, the dominant northern civilian-military establishment had to wait until Obasanjo, a Christian, emerged as a caliphate compliant president in 1999 toactivate its game plan.
Of course, Thus, it was not mere coincidence that beginning from 2001 twelve states in the core north led by Zamfara “decided in quick succession to embrace a separate penal code from southern Nigeria based on sharia,” an action that Chinweizu aptly describes as tantamount to secessionist subversion of the secular status of Nigeria.
According to David Hundeyin, understanding the political influence of the Izala movement in northern Nigeria and the power wielded by the indicted terrorists and their financiers who are still very influential in Buhari’s government throws light on Boko haram as a logical outgrowth of the rise of political Islam in Nigeria rooted in Salafism made popular by Abubakar Gumi and his ideological successors.
Surely, Gumi’s use of funds from Saudi Arabia and propagation of Wahhabi brainwashing dogmas are intimately connected to the adoption of sharia in northern Nigeria, the emergence of violent salafists such as Abubakar Shekau and Isa Pantami, and the eventual inevitable mass uprising against the Nigerian state that took place in the north when Muhammadu Buhari lost to Dr.Goodluck Jonathan in 2011.
Again, although misinformed gullible Nigerians still believe that the Buhari government is seriously fighting to end Boko Haram terror, I have always argued that the core objectives of the terrorist organisation synchronises very well with the longstanding goals of Fulani caliphate supremacists, particularly those of the Izala movement “which is Nigeria’s most influential Islamic sect.”
So, it is not surprising that Boko Haram has continued to expand its violent activities years after the terrorist group was declared “technically defeated” by the irascible Alhaji Lai Mohammed. The conclusion deducible from Hundeyin’s well-researched essay is clear and unimpugnable: Buhari’s purported war on Boko Haram (and other Islamist terror groups) is taqiyyah or deception meant to befuddle weak-minded Nigerians who hardly consider the possibility that Ahmadu Bello was dead serious when he demanded that the new nation called Nigeria should be the estate of Usman Dan Fodio, great-great grandfather of the ruling caliphate in Nigeria.
Now consider this: Aminu Daurawa, a Muslim fanatic who hyperbolically eulogised the September 11, 2001 attacks on the United States became the first chairman of the hisbah police in Kano state and remains a high-ranking member of the Izala movement. Hundeyin makes a very disturbing claim about Isa Pantami and President Muhammadu Buhari that should be a matter of serious concern to anyone interested in living within a secular progressive Nigeria.
To start with, despite his unconvincing and insincere denials of strong connections with Islamist terrorism Pantami, like Buhari, is an unapologetic sympathiser towards the Izala movement whose extremist activities both men pretend to be fighting against. Hundeyin expresses the point with his characteristic clarity thus: “There is no way that the Nigerian president is not aware of Yakubu Musa Hassan Katsina’s history as a known terrorist, as well as the Izala movement’s extremely problematic history and current composition.
And yet, as recently as 2018, President Buhari was pictured in Aso Rock meeting with Izala movement’s president, Abdullahi Bala Lau, Yakubu Musa Hassan Katsina, Kabiru Gombe, and Ibrahim Jalo Jalingo.” Make no mistake about it: the ideological ally of Muslim terrorists now occupies the most powerful political office in Nigeria and standing solidly behind them “just as he stood solidly next to Isa Pantami.
The Izala movement has won and everybody else has lost.” Notwithstanding the exculpatory hot air written sporadically by few quota system pseudo-intellectuals from the north against Hundeyin’s scathing report, “Cornflakes for Jihad: The Boko Haram Origin Story” reveals why Buhari not only continuously supported murderous Fulani herdsmen and Boko Haram even before he became president but also why he criticised Dr. Jonathan’s onslaught against the terrorist sect in 2013.
Moreover, it sheds more light on why the president appointed Muslims mostly from the north to head the most critical loci of power in Nigeria’s security architecture, the Nigerian Customs Service, Immigration, Nigerian Ports Authority and the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation amongst others. If Buhari’s ultra nepotic appointments do not signal that Fulani colonisation of southern Nigeria has moved several steps forward since 2015, then nothing else would.
Northern Muslim targeted colonisation of Nigeria is in full effect while myopic, avaricious and morally bankrupt southern politicians and the elite generally are busy speaking highfalutin English and picking crumbs that fell from the table of Buhari and his enablers both in Nigeria and abroad.
It is a matter for serious disquiet that despite overwhelming evidence that Nigeria in 2021 is far worse in the areas of economy, security and fight against corruption, some intellectual drones are still saying that the APC administration led by President Muhammadu Buhari has performed well. As a columnist, I try as much as possible to avoid using harsh negative adjectives to describe those I disagree with.
But as in everything under the sun, there is an elastic limit to which one can tolerate barefaced lies from someone who parades barefaced falsehood or alternative facts in the name of doing his or her job. It has been said by Buhari’s bootlickers that he is the best president Nigeria ever had; that he is more charismatic and has greater popular appeal than other prominent politicians including Dr.Nnamdi Azikiwe and Chief Obafemi Awolowo; that Nigerians would acknowledge Buhari’s achievements after he might have left office; that only ingrates would not appreciate the achievements, sacrifices and efforts of Buhari for Nigeria, and so on.
The really appalling aspect of all this neurotic sycophantic rubbish is that some of those regurgitating them are clergymen above sixty years who ought to be on the side of truth and honesty all the time. In traditional communities, elders are supposed to be upholders of truth no matter the circumstance. But these days truth, honesty, integrity, and moral courage to stand firm for what is right and noble – values that build individuals and communities – have been abandoned by even the so-called elders and men and women of God in the pursuit of power, fame and fortune.
Unless they have lost completely the capacity for moral intelligence, those clapping for Buhari know deep down that he is a profound disappointment because of his failure to fulfil even one of the tantalising promises he made in 2015 and 2019. The cost of living is so high now that Nigerians who were reasonably well off six years ago are slipping into poverty. Insecurity has exploded into areas that were bastions of peace, serenity and relaxation before 2015.
Corruption straddles Nigeria like a colossus to the extent that the country has dropped further down in the corruption perception index of Transparency International. Everywhere one looks apart from few oasis of affluence inhabited by pigs in the animal farm called Nigeria, one sees unmistakable evidence of expanding eddies of poverty, disease, disillusionment and hopelessness. And morally crippled beneficiaries of the absurd system have the temerity to applaud egregious failure publicly. One is consoled by the fact that no condition is permanent.