By Douglas Anele

Read Negation of the negation 1 here

As I was saying, many top-level administrators, managers, technicians and civil servants were either persecuted or dismissed from their positions because they were Igbo. The grotesque federal character provision or quota system enshrined in the 1999 constitution is a testament to Igbophobia, indicating the depth of anti-Igbo sentiment and the extent certain elements of the Northern-dominated ruling elite at the federal level can go to entrench tribalism in the country.

Of course, nothing in this world is perfect or without blemish. The positive attributes of. Ndigbo highlighted earlier were sullied by what Prof. Achebe described as “the dangers of hubris, overweening pride and thoughtlessness, which invite envy and hatred or, even worse, that can obsess the mind with material success and dispose it to all kinds of crude showiness.”

Unfortunately, even after devastating losses from the pogroms and the civil war, Ndigbo generally have yet to learn useful lessons from the negative repercussions of “noisy exhibitionism and disregard for humility and quietness.”

It follows that although resentment against the Igbo by compatriots from other ethnic groups is largely uncalled for and completely irrational, a significant percentage of Ndigbo, especially the nouveaux riches living outside Igboland, manifested (and still manifest) some character flaws that made them the target of envy and pogroms by Nigerians from other ethnic groups.

The civil war was the catastrophic culmination of Igbophobia and anti-Igbo mentality championed by Northern elements, supported by a sprinkling of the Yoruba and indigenes of southern minorities.

It is also quite possible that certain elements in the Northern establishment saw Gen. Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu’s well-supported declaration of Biafra as a wonderful opportunity to cut the uppity Igbo down to size.

Or else how could one explain the perplexing fact that the North, which was at the forefront of secession before the Biafran war (remember the araba riots of May 1966), changed completely and began clamouring for “One Nigeria”? Perhaps, several key Northern leaders realised that it is only in the context of a united Nigeria that Alhaji AhmaduBello’s vision of an Islamised and subjugated country dominated by the Hausa-Fulani might be actualised.

Doubtlessly, the war really devastated Igboland, and Ndigbo lost their position asprimus inter pares in the Nigerian system. Despite Gen. Yakubu Gowon’s shibboleths of “No victor, No vanquished” and “Reconciliation, Reconstruction and Rehabilitation,”emasculation and marginalisation of the Igbo economically and politically reached unprecedented levels from 1970 onwards.

After Gowon was overthrown in July 29, 1975, successive military regimes, dominated by Northern military officers, consolidated his practice of treating Ndigbo as second-class citizens and Igboland as aconquered territory. For a vast majority of Igbo people, Northern domination of the federal government had not been favourable to Igboland and, as a result, there was nogood reason to continue that domination by voting for Buhari.

The situation of Ndigbo improved somewhat when former President, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, appointed a fewIgbo into key positions in his cabinet and sited some projects in the South East. But Jonathan’s administration was more beneficial to Igboland than previous administrations.

For example, Jonathan made decisions that have significant symbolic value for the Igbo in their quest for national integration: he appointed Lt. Gen.Azubuike Ihejirika Chief of Army Staff and Ogbonnaya Onovo Inspector General of Police, the first time Ndigbo would occupy topmost positions in the army and the policesince 1970.

In addition, several projects were implemented in the South East during his tenure, including the upgrade of Enugu airport to an international airport, commencement of the second Niger Bridge, independent power projects etc.

Now, what exactly has Muhammadu Buhari, before the last presidential election, done for Igboland that would warrant Ndigbo to vote for him? Very little, in my humble opinion, because he never really utilised the opportunities he had to establish a rapport between himself and the Igbo.

As military head of state, the Igbo were grossly underrepresented in the Supreme Military Council, top military hierarchy and in his cabinet. When Buhari was in charge of Petroleum (Special) Trust Fund, less than ten percent of its projects were located in the South East, the lowest for the six geopolitical zones.

Therefore, although the out-going President did not fulfil all the promises he made to Ndigbo during the 2011 presidential campaigns, majority of the people felt that, based on past performance with respect to Igboland, it was better to vote for Jonathan than for Buhari. To be candid, Buhari’s attitude to Ndigbo has been somewhat arrogant and condescending, as if Igboland is an inconsequential part of Nigeria.

Now as President, Buhari would be making a terrible mistake if he continues that way byneglecting Igboland. Sentiments and Igbophobia aside, no ethnic group has contributed to the development of Nigeria than the Igbo. For instance, in any thriving town or city outside Igbo heartland, after the indigenes are the Igbo, working hard and contributing immensely to the economic and social development of the town.

Thus, in a very important sense yet to be fully appreciated by other Nigerians, Igbo people are really the true Nigerians. More than any other ethnic group, Ndigbo consider wherever they reside as “home”, notwithstanding the ugly experiences after the Biafran war when they lost their houses and businesses outside Igboland, emblematised in the abandoned property struggles of late Chief Sam Mbakwe.

Consequently, if President Buhari is serious about positive transformation of Nigeria, he cannot afford to neglect the South East: he must seek out and work with the best minds in Igboland, and reverse past injustices against its people.

From the foregoing, it is clear that the overwhelming support Ndigbo gave to former President Jonathan in the March 28 presidential election stems from enlightened self-interest and their chequered experiences in the context of post-civil war Nigeria.

Majority of Ndigbo were convinced that, given the past records of the two major presidential candidates in relation to their attitudes towards Igboland, Jonathan was the better option, and they voted for him with both their heads and their hearts. Now, some self-seeking Ndigbo have already started fawning and genuflecting before Alhaji Buhari in the pretext of working for Igbo people.

I hope the President can distinguish between genuine Igbo leaders and the charlatans – and ignore the latter. The Igbo do not want anybody to beg the President on their behalf; they are not interested in crumbs that fell from the master’s table. What they demand is respect and a level-playing field in a true federation where responsibilities and rewards are shared according to merit, hard work and performance, not based on federal character or quota system, as is the case presently.

Accordingly, an Igbo need not be President or whatever before Igboland could get its fair share of important federal projects and other benefits for belonging to the federation. Keep in mind that when the Igbo were pushed to the wall in the 1960s, they and their compatriots in the defunct Eastern region decided to create their own country in pursuit of self-determination, peace, and economic progress.

Sadly, the centrifugal forces responsible for that fateful decision are still present, indicating that the ruling elite is pachydermatous to the lessons of history. Sometimes, I wonder what Biafra would be like now, forty-eight years after its creation, if Gen. Yakubu Gowon and his cohorts had allowed it to be. I am sure Igboland would have been much better than it is today. Concluded.