Nigeria is not yet a nation in the real sense of the word, because the awareness of belonging to a community with shared history, common values and feeling of oneness and solidarity to shape the future together has yet to germinate and blossom in a significant number of Nigerians from various ethnic nationalities and religions across the country. Nationhood is not just about belonging to the same geopolitical space with others. Rather,it entails a dynamic psychic nexus, a glue of creative imagination and habitual feeling of unity-in-diversity with fellow nationals at both conscious and subconscious levels, including a shared strong belief in an ideal, dream and historical destiny that must be worked for – and, if necessary, die for as well.

One of the most interesting issues dealt with in metaphysics as a branch of philosophy right from the time sages in different parts of the world began to philosophise in antiquity is the question of appearance and reality. In thinking about the subject, philosophers use it to signify a contrast between the world of “mere appearance” usually considered to be nothing more than a reflection or shadow of something greater, with what is real and, therefore, probably of more value and permanent. It is claimed further that when the “really real” is cognised as such, it serves as the foundation of wisdom and knowledge.

DOUGLAS ANELE The concluding part of our marathon series on the pointlessness and folly of the revenge coup of 29 July 1966 published last Sunday needs some improvement. First, it ended a little bit abruptly, and seemed, in the words of the British novelist, Thomas Hardy, like “a fraction looking for its integer.” Aside from […]

However, Ojukwu had been under tremendous pressure: he tried to calm separatist agitations in his region, which became more stringent and vociferous after the pogroms of May, 1966; he also struggled with the huge task of resettling over one million refugees that poured into the east from different parts of the country, especially from northern Nigeria

To start with, when Gowon came back to Lagos, some top federal civil servants were surprised at the scope and depth of concessions he made to Ojukwu. Consequently, they advised him, wrongly, not to implement it because, in their opinion, the agreement was “unworkable.” Given that the Aburi summit essentially affirmed the structure of governance in the first republic which worked so well before the coup of January 15 truncated it, the only reasonable explanation of their negative stance was myopic selfishness motivated by desire to preserve their exalted positions in Gowon’s government.

In my view, the centre of gravity of the socio-economic and political problems facing us today is largely traceable to it.

Why did Major Danjuma and his murderous band of soldiers humiliate, physically assault and kill Ironsi based on the unsubstantiated allegation that he was either complicit in theJanuary 15 coup or was unwilling to deal with Nzeogwu and his group because an overwhelming percentage of the prominent coup plotters were Igbo? What exactly was the role of Lieutenant-Colonel Gowon, Ironsi’s chief of army staff, in the revanchist coup?

Apparently, Ironsi’s explanation was ineffectual: either the emirs and key members of the northern ruling elite doubted his sincerity or the Hausa-Fulani animosity against Ndigbo living in the north had reached the omega point or point of no return.

These attacks were partly due to the tendency of responding to crisis in Nigeria by blaming without careful thought and corroborating evidence those from the other ethnic group or other side of the country. As the late novelist, Prof. Chinua Achebe observed, “there seemed to be lust for revenge, which meant an excuse for Nigerians to take out their resentment on the Igbo who led the nation in virtually every sector – politics, education, commerce and the arts…an open target, scapegoats for the failings and grievances of colonial and post-independent Nigeria.”

But before we identify those Ironsi promoted when and why, I should point out that Dr. Mbadiwe, Minister of Trade, who was among those pencilled down for assassination by the coup plotters, had a lucky escape. Having killed the Finance Minister, Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh, the dissidents went after Mbadiwe. No one knows precisely how Mbadiwe did it, but he eluded his would-be assassins and hid in the State House, residence of Dr. Azikiwe who was away in London for medical treatment.

So, let us try to consider as dispassionately as we can, on the basis of available data, whether the first military coup was indeed an Igbo coup, as alleged by some writers such as Isama Elaigwu, in Gowon: The Biography of a Soldier-Statesman and Karl Maier, in This House has Fallen Nigeria: in Crisis. But before we do that, certain basic points must be highlighted.

One of the most worrisome drawbacks in our educational system, particularly from the last three decades onwards, is the neglect of Nigerian history in the curricula of our primary and secondary schools. In the developed and serious-minded developing countries around the world, the importance of history as a source of ideas required for actualising the quest for national development and nation-building is recognised by most people.

The University of Lagos, Akoka, has an effective system for handling such cases. For instance, the university’s management does not waste time in sanctioning any staff or student found guilty of such offence after thorough investigation – indeed, the university has zero tolerance for improper sexual conduct. In addition, aside from organising orientation programmes during which students are educated on various aspects of life in the university, including appropriate interpersonal relationships, there is a Counselling Centre run by experts in the relevant disciplines to help them deal with life’s issues in a rational, civilised and levelheaded manner.

As I argued earlier, the clash of ego between Melaye and Mrs. Tinubu that occurred in the Senate, not in the House of Representatives as I erroneously stated last Sunday, was blown out of proportion in the press. Journalists relish sensationalism; oftentimes the make mountains out of molehills by focusing too much attention to inconsequential misbehavior of politicians and celebrities mainly to boost the sale of their newspapers and magazines.

Because the APC is in power right now and the need to maintain the misleading impression that everybody working for President Buhari is not corrupt, it would require public pressure and sustained effort backed by solid evidence from reliable sources outside officialdom to compel the EFCC to thoroughly investigate top officials of government.