ONE of the most memorable places I have ever visited is the Corinthia Hotel on Nile Street, Khartoum. My favourite past time each time I visited, was having an early morning breakfast in the high rise restaurant in the hotel. There, I sit facing the confluence where the White Nile which began its life-enriching journey from Burundi’s Ruvyironza waters and those of Rwanda’s Nyungwe, flowing into the Kagera River in Tanzania from where it embarks on a 3,700-kilometre journey, to meet the Blue Nile. The colours of the later which began its 1,450-kilometre journey from Lake Tania, in Ethiopia are clearly distinguishable from the White Nile.

MANY of us who organised the bloody mass street protests, stay-at-home and sustained a five-year campaign to force the military de-annul June 12, 1993, presidential election did not believe in that year’s elections.

THE government of President Muhammadu Buhari could hardly contain its excitement. Professor Tijjani Muhammad-Bande, the country’s permanent representative to the United Nations was going to be elected the President of the United Nations General Assembly, UNGA. It appeared a major diplomatic achievement. Like a groom stretching its neck to find out when the bride would step into the registry, the government  strained its neck to look into the UNGA.

The Nigerian political system is characterised by lack of mass participation, a mainly unaccountable leadership, violent elections lacking in credibility, and political parties that parade programmes without the input of those they want to govern.

A NIGERIAN genius, Odia Ofeimun asked me a rhetorical question: “How does a minority, which takes control of the majority, retain power?” He answered: “By force or falsehood.” I added: “Or both.” Although he raised it within  the context of the ethnocentric power relations in Nigeria, it is also true of Britain.