Afe for Vanguard

November 12, 2025

The Need for National Political Reform Conference (7), by Afe Babalola

Afe Babalola

THE SECOND ALTERNATIVE: RESTRUCTURING THE FEDERATING UNITS

We may still retain the presidential system with restructuring of the federating units. The federating units can be zoned instead of the present states. These zones should be increased from the present 6 to about 8 to accommodate more zones of common origin. The zones shall retain the present 36 states within their zones.

Nigeria is an amalgamation of nations and diverse cultures. These culture and tongues have been identified. In other words, which and which are the nations under the Nigerian States. Here I am employing the words “nation” and “state” in the real sense of its meaning and as recognized both in international law and under the United Nations Charter. Given the definitions of state and nations earlier proffered, it goes without saying that within the Nigerian context, states are for examples, Yoruba Nation, Igbo Nation, Hausa Nation, Ijaw Nation, Tiv Nation, Jukun Nation, Fulani Nation etc.

These are some of the identifiable groupings in Nigeria: “a large group of people having a common origin, language and tradition”. These respective Nations endowed with common affinity should constitute individual zones for zonal governments which, in turn, would represent the component units of Nigeria. In this way, the problems usually associated with undue division of people of common heritage into different states will have been eliminated. It is then we can say goodbye to “marginalization” Nigeria’s over-flogged word. Each zone would have a parliament of elected representatives of the people from each states on party basis.

PART-TIME BASIS

More importantly, sitting shall be on part-time basis with sitting allowances as opposed to fantastic salaries, allowances, gratuity and pension and all the outrageous perquisites presently paid. What the lawmakers presently collect in the name of emoluments is unnecessary and wasteful. This explains the fight-to-finish syndrome within the rank and file of political parties in Nigeria today. For the Zonal government system to be effective, I would suggest and indeed recommend that we revert to the structural arrangement under the 1963 constitution. What I am saying in effect is that important items such as agriculture, education, health etc should be left to the zonal governments to administer while crucial items that affect the entirety of Nigeria such as currency, foreign affairs, army, customs amongst others should be the exclusive preserve of the centre.

THE ARMY

With specific reference to the army, there should be a zonal command in each zone to be manned by a zonal commander who jointly with other Zonal Commanders form joint command for the country. In addition, the zonal commanders must be indigenes of their respective zones. This would also foster a sense of belonging as each zone would have its son (or daughter) as zonal commander. The Police structure should follow the same pattern.

THE THIRD ALTERNATIVE: REGIONALISM AND PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT

We may completely do away with the presidential system of Government and revert to the old order. The advantages are numerous, among which is its cheapness, the commonness of people of similar origin, history, culture, aspirations, etc among others. These units are like states which for the common good have surrendered part of their sovereignty to the Federal Government. As stated earlier, this system allows for healthy rivalry and development in education, industry, etc. it also creates more employment, there is no room for quota system. The present system has impeded the pace of people who are progressively minded. The regionalism I have in mind will be regionalism of zones and not that of the erstwhile three zones. It will be parliamentary as against presidential system of government. This system will make electioneering a cheaper venture as the leader of the winning party automatically becomes the Premier. Ministers will be appointed from elected members of parliament as against what operates under Presidential government.

Contrary to the argument that the presidential system of government unifies the country, this system of government unifies the country the more because in each region, people with common background and aspiration live together under their own government. This system of government which is closer to the people, equally gives the people a true sense of belonging as it ensures steady progress. On the contrary, people feel marginalized and unsecured when they are unable to develop their talent or harness their potentials as a result of the ill-feelings they have about a distant central government. Indeed, majority of the restiveness we have in Nigeria today is as a result of this perceived oppression by the system. Today, a person who cannot garner five votes in his constituency can be made a Minister by the President. Under the Presidential System, a candidate must win in at least 2/3 of the State in the country. Only few Nigerians fund election through Nigerians. Parliamentary system enhances the chances of most Nigerians to vie for the coveted post of President.

REVENUE AND DISTRIBUTION

Nigeria, arguably, parades one of the most expensive “federations” in the world whereby the annual revenue and budget is less than that of New York City alone which has no army, no ministers, no National Assembly, no State Assembly, and no foreign embassies. The entire structure, right from foundation, is warped. And it was deliberately designed to be so. Nigeria presently consist of 36 states and 774 local governments. It operates a three-tier structure of administration all constitutionally sanctioned. A situation where some states are producers while others are mere consumers without contributing anything to the collective till can never produce unity and or fairness. Rather, it breeds, suspicion, feelings of cheating and oppressions among others. All these contribute to the clarion calls for the constitution of a sovereign national conference of purpose of restructuring the country and possibly produce a federation properly so called.

Prior to the military take-over of the reins of governance in 1966, the regions had always exercised considerable measures of autonomy a development that enabled each region to develop at its own pace and with all the resources at its disposal. This was the tunic that greatly enabled the western region to blaze the trail by recording many firsts in the areas of development and innovativeness. The visionary leaders knew that the region was blessed, and proceeded to utilize same to record enormous achievements most of which still last till today.

It was the days of cocoa in the west, groundnut pyramids in the north and rubber in the east. There was healthy rivalry among the regions and the centre was made less attractive. Permit me to restate it here that the unattractiveness of the centre was such that the three main political leaders of the time namely: Chief Obafemi Awolowo (West), Sir Ahmadu Bello (North) and Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe (East) manned their regions while their party men of lieutenants were sent to the centre. A classical example was Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto and leader of the Northern Peoples Party (NPC) who had all the opportunity in the world to become the first Prime Minister of Nigeria but rather preferred to stay in Kaduna as the Premier of the region. He sent his deputy Alhaji Tafawa Balewa to the centre and he eventually became Nigeria’s First Prime Minister. However, with incursion of the military into politics, everything has changed.

Today, not only is the centre attractive, it is where everything happens. The centre controls virtually the heart and soul of Nigeria.

The sharing formular, right from the days of the military has never been fair. A situation where the centre takes between 45-55 per cent of the entire revenue leaving the remainder to be shared between 36 states and 774 Local Governments is anything but fair. This is in spite of the fact that the centre contributes nothing to the collective pool. Little wonder then that everyone wants to be in the centre. It is my humble view that the present sharing system is unconscionable and utterly unjust. As I said earlier on, we should place more emphasis on contribution rather than sharing all the time. but since sharing remains the vexed issue. I would recommend that we go back to the 1963 format which I consider more humane and realistic.

…to be continued.

•Please send your comments to president@abuad.edu.ng 

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