2.13 Federalism, in essence, is simply “a contractual non-centralization” involving structural dispersion of power among many centres the legitimate authority of which is constitutionally guaranteed, Hence, entrenched diffusion of power or division of power among levels of government remains the principal characteristics and argument for federal democracy. It becomes therefore clear that when one speaks of federalism, one means, “coordinate supremacy of the levels of government with regards to their respective functions”. Certainly in this context, the “golden rule” of federalism as stipulated by scholars and political analysts, has been constantly ignored or breached in Nigeria over the years. Nigeria has also ignored the important aspect of the equilibrium between the centre and the regions in classical federalism.

2.14 Recognising this reality, the Belgore Report recommended:

a. Reduction of Power at the centre and devolution of same to the Federating units

b. Allow the centre to retain necessary powers to enable it exercise its sovereignty

c. Enable the centre to act for the federating units in the area of common and mutually beneficial interest and service.

2.15 In fact before and after independence, and long before the Belgore Report, other spirited efforts by previous regimes, military or civilian, have tried to address this critical national issue. The first military coup in Jan. 1966 addressed the restructuring process by stating, in Decree34 below:

“Subject lo the provisions of this Decree, Nigeria shall on 2nd May 1966 (in this Decree referred to as the appointed day) cease to be a federation and shall accordingly as from that day be a Republic, by the name of Republic of Nigeria, consisting of the territory which immediately before that day was comprised in the Federation”

2.16 The decree sought to unify the federal civil service, and reorganise the regions into groups of provinces. And in addition to other grievances following the January 15 coup made the counter-coup inevitable. And in his maiden address to the nation General Gowon recognised the enormity of the tragedy that had befallen Nigeria as a result of the two coups within six months. He said:

“Suffice it to say that, putting all considerations to test – political, economic, as well as social the base of unity is not there or is badly rocked, not only once but several times. I therefore feel that we should review the issue of our National standing and see if we can help stop the country from -drifting away into utter destruction”.

2.17 Consequently, among the first acts of General Gowon in office was the pardon and release of Chief Obafemi Awoiowo from prison on August 2″” 1967. And another significant effort he made to arrest the deteriorating political conditions in the country was the appointment of the Ad Hoc constitutional conference in Lagos on September 12, 1966. In a rather spirited speech to the delegates of the conference, Gowon said, that only two things should be ruled out: complete breakup; and a unitary form of government. “I therefore put before you the following forms of government for consideration:

a. Federal system with a strong Central Government;

b. Federal system with a weak central Government;

c. Confederation; or

d. An entirely new arrangement which will be peculiar to Nigeria and which has not yet found its way into any political dictionary”

2.18 However, General Gowon’s regime was overthrown by General Murtala Mohammed in July 29,1975, in the country’s 3rd successful military coup and the first bloodless coup in Nigeria’s history. General Mohammed’s regime began an active role towards returning power to civilians and on October 18, 1975 he set up the Constitution Drafting Committee. In his address Genera! Mohammed informed them that the Supreme Military Council was

“committed to a federal system of government, and a free democratic and lawful system of government which guarantees’ fundamental human rights’ and urged them to work for the creation of viable political

institutions’ which will ensure maximum participation and consensus and orderly succession to political power.”

Considering our recent political experience, any constitution devised should seek to:

a ‘”Eliminate cut-throat political competition based on a system or rules of winner-takes-all. As a corollary, it should discourage electoral malpractices;

b. It should also discourage institutionalized opposition to government in power and instead, develop consensus politics and government based on community of all interest rather than interests of a section of the country.

c. As a matter of principle, decentralize power wherever possible as a means of diffusing tension…”

2.19 In fact, from the formation of political parties, NCNC (1948) NPC (1951) AG (1951) to Enahoro’s Self Government Motion in 1953, the national attention and political controversies have trailed the debate on an appropriate political structure for Nigeria.

2.20 Today, resolving Nigeria’s national dilemma over structure and Constitution has become urgent and must be our priority.

CHAPTER THREE – METHODOLOGY

3.0 The Committee adopted strategies for the execution of its assignment. Key to those strategies was establishing strategic engagements with the print and electronic media throughout the exercise, This we found to be necessary because the wide consultations, which members were expected to conduct required massive mobilization of citizens through the print, electronic, and social media. The methodology adopted by the Committee proceeded in five Phases as follows:

Phase 1. Preliminary’ Work such as drawing a Work Plan, an Itinerary and other administrative tools (already reported in Sections 1.8 and 1.9 above);

Phase 2. Interactive Sessions with members of the general public and Courtesy Calls on State Governors, Traditional Rulers, and the leadership of the National Assembly;

Phase 3. Review of memoranda;

Phase 4. One-Day Brainstorming Retreat; and

Phase5. Writing, Production and Submission of Report

3.1 Phase 2 – Interactive Sessions: In order to respond adequately to the terms of reference of the Committee as well as comply with the Presidential directives to consult widely before proposing an appropriate framework for the National Dialogue/Conference, the Committee resolved to hold Interactive Sessions with the general public in two (2) Centres in each geo-political Zone. The Interactive Sessions took place on the following dates at the Centres identified:

1. Friday 18″‘ October Akure

2. Monday 21st October Jos

3. Wednesday 23rd October Minna

4. Friday 25th’ October Calabar

5. Monday 28th October Benin

6. Tuesday 29lh October Enugu

7. Wednesday 30lh October Umuahia

8. Friday 1st November Lagos

9. Monday 4th November Sokoto

10. Tuesday 5th November Maiduguri

11. Saturday 9′” November Bauchi

12. Monday 11th November Kaduna

13. Wednesday 13″‘ November FCT Abuja

3.2 Attendance and Presentations at the Interactive Sessions: The Committee took presentations from groups, organizations, Governments and individual citizens in each of the 13 Centres. The turn-out was impressive in all the venues. The Interactive Sessions nationwide were attended by a total of 6,650 Nigerians. The Committee received a total number of 607 memoranda from all the 13 Interactive Sessions, while a total number of 421 people made presentations before the Committee on behalf of groups, organizations, Governments or themselves. Additionally, the Committee received a total of 57 memoranda electronically and other 47 directly through the Secretariat. Thus the grand total of all the memoranda received was 710. These are listed in Appendix 4 to this Report, while the respective memoranda are attached to this Report as Appendices 5-13.

3.3 Consultations Through Courtesy Calls: Another strategy of ensuring wide consultations adopted by the Committee was courtesy calls on State Chief Executives and the Traditional Rulers of the towns where we held the Interactive Sessions. The Committee through this strategy consulted 10 Governors, 1 Deputy Governor, 1 Secretary to the State Government and 12 Traditional Rulers as follows:

1.Akure: Ondo State Governor and Deji of Akure;

2. Jos: Plateau State Governor and Gbong Gwom

3.Minna: Niger State Governor and Emir of Minna;

4.Calabar: Cross River State Deputy Governor, Obong of Calabar and The Ndidem of Quas Nation

5.Benin: Edo State Governor and Oba of Benin;

6. Enugu: Enugu State SSG (who represented the Governor) and Igwe Nnaji of Nike;

7.Umuahia: Abia State Governor;

8.Lagos: Lagos State Governor and Oba of Lagos;

9.Sokoto: Sokoto State Governor and Ihe Sultan of Sokoto;

10.Maiduguri: Borno State Governor and Shehu of Borno;

11.Bauchi: Bauchi State Governor and the Galadima who stood in for the Emir of Bauchi;

12. Kaduna: Kaduna State Governor and Emir of Zazzau