By Douglas Anele

Evidently, the irritating argument by Isa Funtua, including his misguided suggestion that Ndigbo should join APC, suggests that any politician from the south-east interested in becoming president must seek approval from northern leaders in order to be considered electable.

But that is a condescending way of telling Ndigbo know who really is in charge politically and that all animals might be equal but some are more equal than others despite the pretence that Bola Tinubu and his acolytes from the south-west are equal stakeholders with their northern counterparts in the APC.

Moreover, Funtua’s claim that Igbo people want to do things on their own is falsified by the political history of Nigeria, while his reference to the so-called inclusive politics played by Chief M.K.O. Abiola as an example or paradigm for politicians from Igboland to emulate is disingenuous.

Funtua apparently forgot that the “inclusive politics” of Abiola was ultimately reduced to nothing by leading members of the northern cabal he trusted. Late Prof. Omo Omoruyi, in his very informative book, The Tale of June Twelve, detailed how Ibrahim Babangida, Sani Abacha, David Mark and some prominent northern leaders scuttled Abiola’s presidential ambition at the eleventh hour which eventually led to his detention and death on July 8, 1998.

Admittedly, one of the reasons a significant number of northern leaders and politicians turned against Dr. Goodluck Jonathan in 2015 was PDP’s truncation of its “gentleman’s agreement” on rotational presidency after Jonathan had completed late Umaru Musa Yar’Adua’s tenure and went ahead to serve for four more years.

PDP should have ensured that a competent detribalised northerner emerged as its presidential candidate in 2011, and if the person had won it would have created opportunity for a southerner (probably Jonathan) to contest (and probably win) in 2015. But Dr. Jonathan allowed himself to be persuaded not only to contest in 2011 but also to seek re-election four years later.

Because of that strategic blunder, it is not surprising that the argument for rotation by northern politicians resonated across northern Nigeria as the 2015 presidential election approached, complemented by massive rigging.

Now that a northerner has served eight years and southern governors are demanding that President Buhari’s successor should come from the south, the northern ruling cabal have suddenly realised that zoning the office of president is not constitutional.In order words the same argument for rotation they used against Jonathan and the PDP should no longer be taken seriously.

Given that Nigeria has been geopolitically configured by northern military dictators aided somewhat inadvertently by a handful of naïve and myopic members of the southern elite in a manner which gives northern Nigeria the upper hand a Fulani caliphate supremacist like Hakeem Baba-Ahmed can arrogantly proclaim that the north can vote for who they want and heaven will not fall.

Of course, when a supposedly educated man like Baba-Ahmed shamelessly affirms that northerners can live with their poverty just because he is obsessed with political domination, it is clear that the northern bourgeoisie does not care one bit about the increasing army of the poor and downtrodden in their region notwithstanding the huge resources that have been funnelled to that area since independence.

Worst still, Baba-Ahmed does not see anything wrong in the elite using religion, politics and other antiquated socio-cultural practices to exploit the masses and sustain the growing inequality between the rich and the poor, the haves and the have-nots.

Nasir el-Rufai, like Femi Fani-Kayode, is notorious as a Machiavellian political chameleon whose ideology is dictated by the Fayosean concept of stomach infrastructure. While in PDP, el-Rufai saw Buhari as too old for public office and “perpetually unelectable.”

His record as a public servant, right from when he was minister for federal capital territory to his present position as governor of Kaduna State, is a study in flippant contradictions. Sometime ago, he was in support of the presidency reverting to the south without the condescending precondition of asking interested southerners “to come and sit with [or genuflect before]politicians in the north and dialogue with them…”

Superficially, the idea of asking southern politicians to meet with their northern counterparts and try to persuade them to support a presidential candidate from the south seems reasonable.

Nevertheless, from experience and given the context in which el-Rufai made that remark, he actually means that interested southern politicians should defer to the north by pledging not to topple existing pro-north geopolitical applecart as a condition for securing northern support to win the presidency.

So,what Max Siollun noted about the fears of southern politicians concerning the implication of lopsided post-independent parliamentin favour of the north seems to still be the case sixty-one years later, namely, that northern politicians would control Nigeria’s politics forever.

Although that fear is exaggerated because nothing lasts forever, without actualising the quest for self-determination by ethnic nationalities that want it or reconstituting Nigeria into a confederation, the present geopolitical status quo will continue to be dominated by northerners in the foreseeable future.

Recent revelations by the investigative journalist, David Hundeyin, on the evolution of Islamist terrorism in contemporary Nigeria has, in my opinion, corroborated the allegation that there is an ongoing covert Islamisation agenda championed by a small clique of Fulani caliphate colonialists.

It has also blown to smithereens the odious pretence in the fight against Boko Haram and other terrorist groups by President Buhari and his fellow Muslim supremacists in government.

In a report captioned “Cornflakes for Jihad: The Boko Haram Origin Story,”Hundeyin detailed how Ahmed Idris Nasreddin, the late Eritrean founder of Nasco Group (makers of the popular Nasco cornflakes) alongside other prominent northern figures, have been financing regional terrorism, including Boko Haram, across Africa, which means that Buhari’s purported war against terrorists is an expensive hoax.

Now, if Nigeria really has a genuine National Assembly, the damning report by Hundeyin ought to be looked into promptly and anyone found guilty, should be sanctioned in accordance with relevant provisions of the law.

But the current federal legislature is a lame-duck rubber stamp stooge of the executive filled with buharimaniacs for whom president Buhari is untouchable no matter the gravity of his misconduct. Probably, a sizeable percentage of senators and house members from the north are part of the Islamisation programme.

Consequently, there will be no investigation, no indictment, and no punishment. One can now understand why Buhari’s government needed a scapegoat badly to tag and proscribe as a terrorist group: the plan is a strategy to deflect attention from the real terrorists and terrorist financiers at various levels of governance in Aso Rock and across northern Nigeria.

Since Nnamdi Kanu, leader of IPoB, despite his anger-driven claims and harsh rhetoric about Nigeria and her peoples, had correctly identified northern leaders as supporters of Islamisation through terrorism and accurately predicated how the programme is being executed, his quest for self-determination which IPoB has been championing for some time must be crushed decisively while the real terrorists that constitute what Prof. Ben Nwabueze called the “invisible government” continue to run the affairs of Nigeria like feudal lords.

The northern (particularly Fulani) political elite is suffering from the conqueror’s syndrome, that is, hyperbolic delusional belief in their ability to deal with any situation with the sledge hammer.

That is why virtually all of them, irrespective of differences in their political affiliation, insist that Nigeria must remain a single geopolitical entity as the British created her over one hundred and seven years ago, and wholeheartedly support the use of brute force by the federal government against anyone or group calling for self-determination.

Yet, a little acquaintance with history teaches that no geopolitical formation is permanent and that nations tend to crumble on the weight of its own contradictions. Nigeria’s case cannot be different.


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