Ayo Opadokun, former General Secretary of Action Group
TEXT OF A PRESS STATEMENT TO MARK THE 70TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE FOUNDING OF EGBE AFENIFERE, ISSUED BY MR. AYO OPADOKUN, FORMER GENERAL SECRETARY OF AFENIFERE, FORMER GENERAL SECRETARY AND SPOKEMAN OF THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC COALITION (NADECO), FOUNDING CONVENER, COALITION OF DEMOCRATS FOR ELECTORAL REFORM (CODER) AND FORMER ASSISTANT DIRECTOR OF ORGANISATION OF THE UNITY PARTY OF NIGERIA (UPN) ON APRIL 27, 2021.
Permit me to open this unique dialogue with the following unimpeachable facts sourced from few credible historical accounts including “AWO”.
The Autobiography of Chief Obafemi Awolowo; “Path to Nigerian Greatness”, and face to face interviews with Chief Awolowo, Chief Adekunle Ajasin and other distinguished participant actors and prolific writers like Chief Wumi Adegbonmire who later became Secretary to the AD led government of Chief Adefarati between 1999-2003 among others concerning the pace setting achievements of Afenifere in Nigeria’s political epochs.
I unreservedly acknowledge the copyrights of original writers of all quotations and references made in this discourse because they were invaluable to making this statements much more informative, educative and instructive.
1. Action Group Political Party among others was dissolved by the Military decree and Public Gazette in January 1966, but it’s MOVEMENT called AFENIFERE remains the only one of its kind that precedes Nigeria’s political independence and has gone through circumstantial, existential, external treats, assaults and self-inflicted injury of fractionalizations, (Papa Fasoranti/Adebanjo; Late Senator Fasanmi; Senator Durojaiye; Afenifere Renewal) and still counting in spite of its current limitations over time.
2. Action Group as a National Political Party was the brainchild of the late sage, Chief Jeremiah Obafemi Awolowo, SAN, GCFR and his untiring efforts, grim determination to prepare and get the Western Nigeria ready for productive responses to the then on-coming constitutional exigencies which the Richard Constitution provisions would demand on Nigerians. After Egbe Omo Oduduwa had decided not to take part in politics and approved of Chief Awolowo’s pioneering efforts to form a virile political organization, he invited about 60 persons for a meeting. Of all these invitees just the following seven persons namely:
1. Mr. S. O. Shonibare
2. Chief Abiodun Akerele
3. Chief S. T. Oredein
4. Mr. Olatunji Dosumu
5. Mr. J. Ola Adigun
6. Mr. Adeyiga Akinsanya
7. Mr. Ayo Akinsanya; attended the first meeting.
The first meeting held on Sunday, March 26, 1950 at 9.0’clock in the morning at the Oke Ado Residence of Chief Awolowo in Ibadan. Before the public announcement of its existence, nine secret meetings of the Action Group had been held between 26th March 1950 and 4th March 1951.
The secret meetings were necessitated to avoid the virulent attacks and hostility that could have been unleashed by Dr. Azikiwe and his media stable. Chief Awolowo could not forget in a hurry, the strident, vile and unbelievable hostility which Dr. Azikiwe and his ethnic nationality students unleashed on him and the associates when Egbe Omo Oduduwa was formed in Great Britain in 1945 not minding that there were already in existence, the Ibibio State Union as well as the Ibo State Union respectively.
3(a.) The Action Group was publicly inaugurated at the historical hall on the hill in Owo, Town in Ondo Province on the 28th of April 1951 and had representatives from 22 out of the 24 Administrative Divisions of the Western Region. AFENIFERE therefore could not have been created by anybody recently as was attemptedly claimed in revisionism to fit for the purpose of a private agenda. What is true and factual were that:
3(b.) After the inauguration of the Action Group in Owo, the leaders returned to Ibadan to campaign and for a public inauguration and presentation. There and then people were asking what was going to be the interpretation of the meaning of Action Group in Yoruba language.
At a party campaign rally in Adamasingba/Dugbe, the Party Leaders led by Chief Adisa Akinloye were informing the public that the Action Group policy was summed up in Egalitarianism, Free Education, and Medicare, affordable Housing, and affordable Food, Minimum Wage to guarantee life more abundant that party loyalists and faithfuls started to describe the Action Group as a Movement of People wanting the best for ordinary citizens and who were committed to providing better quality of lives for all persons.
Then Chief Meredith Augustus Adisa Akinloye CFR helped them to sum up their descriptions as Afenifere. He later became the National Chairman of the National Party of Nigeria, NPN in the 2nd Republic. The name was popularized through diversed ways, songs and lyrics, poetic renditions and banters until it became an household watchword. In fact, a textile factory was commissioned to manufacture bales of cloth materials with the picture of Chief Obafemi Awolowo on it and was worn as apparellels by all and sundry even as caps and head gears for women.
It is important to state that AFENIFERE from its inception remained a MOVEMENT of people who are committed to the greatest welfare of the people as enunciated by Chief Obafemi Awolowo SAN, under the philosophical caption of EGALITARIANISM, LIFE MORE ABUNDANT. AFENIFERE was never a registered political party but it was the propelling Movement of people behind the Action Group that was registered.
There had been no time when Afenifere was a cultural organization. Egbe Omo Oduduwa which was a cultural organization decided not to transform into a political party after exhaustive discussion because they believed that such a transformation into partisan politics could compromise the organisation and divide the Yoruba nation, which was the very people it set itself up to protect and defend.
Interested readers can Google the internet to be familiar with the names of the Yoruba distinguished leaders who collaborated with Chief Awolowo to establish the Egbe first in London and later in Nigeria in order to provide a credible voice for the Yoruba people in the immediate nationalist struggle for self-determination.
4. Three important decisions had to be made; the first was whether the Action Group should continue to function as a separate political organization, or whether its members should dissolve it and transfer its activities to the Egbe Omo Oduduwa which was then contemplating the formation of a political wing.
The Egbe was not a political party but was savagedly attacked by Dr Azikiwe, thus drawing most Yoruba politicians to rally round the Egbe. From all available accounts, the Nigerian Youth Movement had become fractionalized in 1941 because many members had political disagreements with Dr Azikiwe who himself became party-less until he in 1945 joined the NNDP formed by Dr. Hebert Macaulay.
Again, the National Emergency Council, NEC which was formed in 1949 when Dr. Azikiwe was outside the country, died soon after his return.
Chief Awolowo at a meeting on 4th June 1950 was prepared to disband the proposed Action Group if the Egbe decided to have a political wing. This was according to him, “because party organization cost money and the people he looked up to for financial support were in the top hierarchy of the Egbe”. Chief Awolowo could only continue with the first meeting for the party organization after the Egbe had given its blessing.
5. The second decision was taken at the sixth meeting held on 8th October 1930, where nine persons were present and Chief Awolowo was so disappointed that he suggested winding up the meeting. It was Mr. E. A. Babalola, first time attendee, Chief Sowole and Mr Ajasin who opposed the suggestion to wind up the meeting. They argued that such a major project did not need a large number of people to get started. At the very next meeting which was the seventh, 27 people attended, encouragingly.
Furthermore, the third decision arose because of the higher number of attendees. Chief Awolowo suggested and ensured that the group set up a SHADOW CABINET. Each member was placed in charge of a subject and was also appointed as Chairman of such committee. Each committee was to study its particular subject thoroughly enough to be able to produce a policy paper on it.
6. The formation of the Action Group became a kind of necessity because the sage observed that the performances of the Western Region Representatives in both Regional and General Conferences for the review of the Richards Constitution exhibited lack of organization and they were lacking programme and effective leadership.
For example, the then Mr Anthony Enahoro deplored the weakness of the Western Members of the Legislative Council. They never knew what the other person was doing thereby exhibiting such kind of undisplined disposition. Chief Awolowo in his Autobiography reiterated that “the new Constitution would be a test of the readiness and fitness of Nigerians to manage their own affair”.
7. The Action Group was the first to propose and establish the institution of “SHADOW CABINET”. This is the practice in parliamentary system whereby the opposition party has permanent people to oversee different departments of government with a view to getting themselves well acquainted and knowledgeable about their ministries so that if their party were to win at the next election, they will be ready to hit the ground running from their first day in office.
8. The Action Group was the first to have a party motto: FREEDOM FOR ALL, LIFE MORE ABUNDANT when Nigerians have
(i) Freedom from British rule;
(ii) Freedom from Ignorance;
(iii) Freedom from disease; and
(iv) Freedom from want.
9. In the 1951 Regional Election, the Action Group was the only party that published policy papers as well as a manifesto. There is a detailed account (Annexure 1) attached to this narrative to debunk the reactionary and false allegation that the Action Group introduced carpet crossing to Nigerian politics. Read the authentic account of the Colonial Government Public Relations Official in charge of the election. Also the late Alhaji Ganiyu Dawodu, one of the first set of Action Group Organizing Secretaries along with Papa Adebanjo who was a participant actor had written a credible account about the 1951 Election.
10. In 1949 as a result of series of editorial comments written personally by Chief Awolowo entitled “CRY HAVOC” in the Nigerian Tribune, the Lieutenant Governors who thought that the power vested in them to nominate and pick ministers had no condition precedent, i.e. their powers were unfettered had to accept the painful reality that such powers could only be exercised after the advice of the majority party.
The Colonial Officials erroneous impression got corrected in favour of the majority party. The East and the North in sequence followed and enjoyed the advantage that the Action Group courageously fought hard to achieve against the wishes of the colonial officers who wanted to continue to dominate the government formed by the Nigerian elected party representatives.
11. The Action Group was the pacesetter in the following among others, namely:
“ i. Voting by symbol was introduced into Nigeria by the Action Group and was first practised at the Local Government Elections in Ijebu-Remo in 1953.
ii. Steel ballot boxes and security-printed ballot papers were first used in the Western Region in 1956, at the instance and insistence of the Action Group Government.
iii. The first motion calling for Nigerian Independence was moved by Chief Anthony Enahoro, CFR of the Action Group in 1953.
iv. The first motion ever for the creation of a new Region – in this case for the creation of a Midwestern Region now broken into Delta and Edo States – was moved in the Western Region House of Assembly by an Action Group Member of the House.
v. It was only in the Western Region that the Leader of Opposition was elected Deputy Speaker of the House of Assembly.
vi. It was also in the Western Region that Ministers of Finance and of Works were withdrawn from the Tenders Board, and the membership of the Board was restricted to Officials headed by the Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Finance, together with known members of the Action Group and of the NCNC chosen, from time to time in equal numbers by the said Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Finance.
vii. Agricultural Settlements and Institutes were first established in the Western Region.
viii. It was in the Western Region that a minimum living wage was first introduced in Nigeria, and paid to workers in the Region.
ix. The first-ever industrial estate and housing estate in Nigeria were established in the Western Region.
x. The first television service in Nigeria, indeed in the whole of Africa, was established in the Western Region in 1959.
xi. The very famous Liberty Stadium was the first and the best of its kind in Nigeria when it was built in 1959. In terms of elegance and comfort, it still remains the best in the country.
xii. Before 1952, the Nigerian Government had never awarded as many as twenty university scholarships a year to Nigerian students. In that year (1952), the Western Region Government became the first ever to award two hundred university scholarships in one year to students of Western Region origin.
xiii. It was in the Western Region, on 17th January 1955 that Free Universal Primary Education, and Free Health Services for children up to the age of eighteen, were first introduced in any part of Nigeria. It was also in the Western Region that a six-year primary course, instead of the then existing eight-year primary course, was first introduced.
12. Some people have disrespectfully and insultingly described the Western Region as “the wild, wild west”. No people with predominant wild inclinations such as are implicit in the description can record in a short period of eight years the supremely impressive, epoch-making, and pacesetting innovations and achievements which have been itemized above. The truth about the people of the Western Region is that they are sufficiently enlightened and bold to refuse to be led by the nose by any person or group however sophisticated such person or group may appear. They are slow to anger; robust in contentions; alert to their rights, and will fearlessly resist and combat evil whenever and wherever they discern it, with all their might and resources. To the people of the Western Region a leader is made, not born. He is expected to justify his leadership by his personal attributes, and by his works for the good of the people. Whereas in some other parts of the country a leader is born and it is the followership that are expected to justify their worthiness to follow by the extremity of their obedience and subservience”.
There is no attempt here to claim that the Action Group was perfect as it never obtains in human domain. Yes the AG in fact erred on some policy measured which the party had to correct in conformity with the popular will of the electorate. In fact there were many parts of Western Region which detested and rejected the Action Group party till the January 15, 1966 violent military insurrection against Alhaji Balewa’s led NPC/NCNC coalition government.
EXISTENTIAL TRANSFORMATION/METAMORPHOSIS OF AFENIFERE
13(i) After the first military insurrection of January 15, 1966, the Military Junta under General Thomas Aguiyi Ironsi issued series of decrees that suspended and abrogated the 1960 & the 1963 Republican Federal Constitutions to give itself some semblance of legitimacy. Let it therefore be stated again and for posterity that the negotiated 1960 Independence Constitution which was amended to produce the 1963 Republican Federal Constitution remained the only legitimately produced constitution that was democratically subscribed to by Nigerians. Nigerians have not been given the democratic rights to produce an Autochthonous Constitution but rather, the Military Junta have severally imposed decrees called “Constitutions ” that have unitarised and centralized Nigeria for the undue advantage of a section of Nigeria till date.
(ii) Major General Johnson Thomas Aguiyi Ironsi, the new Military Head of State and Commander In-Chief on the 24th of May 1966 issued supplement to Official Gazette Extraordinary No. 51, Vol. 53, 1966 part A in a THE PUBLIC ORDER DECREE 1966 where in section 1 he announced the Dissolution of Political Parties, Tribal Unions and Cultural Organizations.
(iii) In schedule, Part 1, Section 1 and 12, the gazette listed the Political Societies or Associations. 84 Political Parties and Organizations that were dissolved. Along with that, the decree also dissolved 26 Tribal and Cultural Associations. The names were contained in the decree that is hereby annexed as Annexure 2 with explanatory remarks.
14 As soon as Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the sage left and resigned from General Gowon’s Government, on July 1, 1971, (General Gowon’s response to Chief Awolowo’s resignation is hereby attached as Annexure 3), he and his closest allies started to brainstorm on the prospect for Nigerian political future ie the Second Republic. The group eventually crystalized into what was known as “The Committee of Friends”.
15 Part of their resolutions had to do with the name to be adopted for whatever political organization they formed. The Committee was composed of star studied people in several respect, quite a number of old faithful and respectable guards of the Action Group were the initial frontliners. They were mindful of the Military Decree No. 33, A. 149 of 24th May, 1966 which had dissolved Political Parties Societies and tribal organizations and the transition decree of Muritala/Obasanjo government which prohibited any linkage with the First Republic Political Parties. Arising from the variously adopted policy options, the group adopted the name UNITY PARTY OF NIGERIA, UPN which was a National Political Party but was equally known as EGBE IMOLE in Yoruba land. So, AG/AFENIFERE became muted.
16. However, as Gen. Ibrahim Babangida’s unending political transition agenda was evolving after the transition to glory of the AVARTAR, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, SAN, the former Governors of the UPN commenced meetings under the Chairmanship of Chief Michael Adekunle Ajasin, CFR, in Owo and was called Owo Group for sometimes before the group became People’s Consultative Forum, PCF. At the first meeting of the Governors, the meeting decided to invite me to join their next meeting and to be its General Secretary and Spokesman. That was how I served the organization for 15years honourarily.
17. At a meeting held in Chief Bola Ige’s, Ibadan residence sometimes in 1992 we examined the prospect of adopting a name for our organization. A committee was constituted to verify whether or not Afenifere was among the organizations dissolved. The report of the committee was received at a meeting held in the Lagos, Ilupeju residence of Alhaji Lateef Kayode Jakande (now late). The report findings indicated that Afenifere was not listed in the Military Decree of May 1966. Members were happy to rename the group with its original appellation, AFENIFERE. The Gazette is already attached to this piece for ease of reference as Annexure 2.
After the death of the most brutal dictator, Gen. Sani Abacha and the emergence of General Abdulsalami Abubakar, GCFR, we eventually reverted to our familiar MOVEMENT name. How did it happen?
18(i) There was a Southern Leadership Forum which was holding in Chief Olu Falae’s house many times in 1998. Hitherto, in the absence of Senator Abraham Adesanya who was abroad, Chief Ige who presided at an Afenifere meeting in Ijebu-Igbo read out dates for meetings he had fixed with other political organizations. And about four of us from Afenifere met with the Umaru Shinkafi Group for about one hour at Sheraton Hotel, Ikeja in a business manner like but which revealed that he had met severally with the group and perhaps reached some agreement to which we were not privileged to know until later from outside sources.
(ii) Meanwhile, the MOVEMENT had asked me sometimes in September 1998 to attend a meeting with groups which later established the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP and was hosted by Prof. Jerry Gana. The Movement nominated Chief Bola Ige and Ayo Adebanjo to also attend the second meeting. When Alhaji Lamidi Adedibu and Dr. Sola Saraki were sighted by the duo, who were my own seniors, the duo asked us to withdraw our participation because we should not be found associating with such people. After a lot of exchange of views, with many colleagues, we rejoined the meeting. Chief Bola Ige was appointed to chair the Constitutional Drafting Committee and I was appointed as the Secretary. The meetings were to be held at MUSON CENTRE, Onikan, Lagos.
(iii) On the date that we returned to Chief Falae’s house for a continuation of the Southern Leadership Forum meeting, Chief Falae was abroad. The meeting was dispirited when Chief Bola Ige informed members that we should not attend the Constitution Drafting Committee meeting because, he had it on good authority that the group had made up its mind as to who will be its presidential candidate. I opposed this position by restating that we were in a vantage position to marshal out superior arguments that could enable us win the coveted ticket. But I was alone because Senator Adesanya himself was absent.
(iv) Later on, the meeting decided that we should go to Abuja to hold a crucial meeting with the Alhaji Umaru Shinkafi group, a day before the National Convention to agree as to whether or not we could jointly form a political party together. Chief Olu Lulu Briggs (now late) was elected to be our Team Leader. And the meeting was fixed for 7. 0clock pm at NICON HILTON HOTEL, ABUJA.
19(i) However, for reasons that should not be discussed here, it happened that Chief Ige had gone ahead to hold a meeting with the Shinkafi group around 7pm, and at about 10pm he came out to invite Chief Adebanjo. When the rest of us waited till 1am, without being invited to attend the scheduled meeting, we all moved to Chief Lulu Briggs suite and we concluded there and then not to have anything to do with whatever may be the resolution from the ongoing meeting with the Shinkafi group from which we were alienated. Even though we never planned to form a Political Party when we left Lagos, the event recorded here led us to decide to form our own political party. Chief Bola Ige on return to his suite was dispirited when we met him and he returned to Lagos the following morning and played no part in the registration of AD/Afenifere.
(ii) Unfortunately, one of those with us in Chief Briggs suite was a plant of the Adedibu collective. We were shocked to find out in the morning when we got to INEC office to find that the name ACTION CONGRESS/ACTION ALLIANCE which were our first choices had been applied for just about an hour earlier by Alhaji Adedibu’s lieutenant.
(iii) Therefore, we had to utilize our industry and reach to adopt the name ALLIANCE FOR DEMOCRACY, AD. The process to get a befitting Constitutional Draft, Manifesto, Logo, Emblem, Slogan were arrived at. We amended a draft constitution which I took along just for exigencies and apportioned responsibilities. Mr. (now Dr. Jimmy Imo) handled manifesto, Senator Mrs. Kofo Akerele Bucknor handled logo and emblem. The duo are alive to confirm the authenticity of this information. And just before the 5pm deadline we were able to submit our application along with the necessary requirement at the INEC National Headquarters Office.
20. It is critical to state for all to hear this, that it was the names contained in the Register of AFENIFERE in all Yoruba States including Kwara and Kogi that were used to register Alliance for Democracy. AFENIFERE therefore, was the platform upon which the AD was constructed and upon which the six candidates in Yoruba States contested and won. AD was the National Name, but songs/lyrics were waxed on Afenifere whose leadership had been the FRONTLINERS of the NADECO struggle. So when for reasons best known but certainly not for the group interest some elected and Afenifere Leaders started to insist on separation of AD from Afenifere, they knew they were playing dirty politics. The younger folks from New Generation and Idile Groups who in 1999 commended our steadfastness and resilience and courage to provide leadership for the Yoruba Nation against the onslaught of violent repression and humiliation by Gen. Sanni Abacha also appealed to us that they were ready to assist Afenifere to consolidate its credible leadership. And after about 3 to 4 months they were permitted to send 5 representatives each to attend Afenifere meetings. This was there maiden encounter and involvement in Afenifere. AD/Afenifere had already installed 6 Governors before they came to join Afenifere.
It is always suicidal to demystify the platform on which you were elected into political office because the myth would have been deflated and could not be available again for your use. The then President Obasanjo who wanted to win power in the South West at all cost in order to be allowed to run for the second term on the PDP platform used a senior member of Afenifere to weaken the organization by influencing some governors to treat Afenifere’s advice with levity. Furthermore, the same external influence forced an impostor, named Alhaji Abdulkadir, unknown to most of those who formed the AD, as the Chairman of the party. The rest is history as they say.
21(i) However, the performances of most of the six governors of AD/Afenifere were relatively commendable and pace setting as that of their forebares in the Action Group and the UPN of the 1st and 2nd Republics.
(ii) For example, each of them continued with the Free Education Programme with some modifications and that enabled many poor people’s children to enroll into public schools. Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu as the Governor of Lagos State succeeded in expanding the revenue base of Lagos State beyond expectation. The consequence of that was that he was able to deliver some appreciable infrastructures and services that were relatively novel at that time. Chief Bisi Akande, the Osun State Governor with his very low receipt from the Federation Account delivered impactful services including the construction of an enviable State Secretariat that remain his everlasting legacy and many rural roads without borrowing a dime throughout his tenure. There was no area of Ogun State that did not experience the development programme of Aremo Segun Osoba as the Governor (helmsman) of Ogun State. Chief Lam Adesina and Otunba Niyi Adebayo were spectacularly commendable as Governors of Oyo and Ekiti State respectively particularly because they struggled to continue with the free education programme that the Action Group/Afenifere’s Government led by Chief Obafemi Awolowo introduced in 1955.
22. CAMPAIGN FOR RETURN TO FEDERAL CONSTITUTION GOVERNANCE
(i) Let us remember that Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s led Action Group was the main Proponent for Federal Constitution in the First Republic and he succeeded in winning over his colleagues, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe erstwhile proponent of Unitary Government and Alhaji Ahmadu Bello, the otherwise proponent of confederal constitution to his side. Nigeria therefore secured its independence on a Federal Constitutional Governance in 1960;
(ii) In the Second Republic, the UPN Governors and parliamentarians fought titanic battles for restoration of federal constitutional governance. For example, in 1981, the then Governor of Bendel State, Prof. Ambrose Alli of the UPN filed a writ against the NPN led Federal Government claiming that the then recently passed budget was unconstitutional. The Supreme Court ruled/gave judgment in favour of the Bendel State Government. The deportation of Alhaji Shugaba Darman, Speaker of the GNPP led Bornu State House of Assembly by the NPN Federal Government was successfully fought until Shugaba, was legally allowed to return home and resumed his office. The UPN retained the services of the late distinguished and revered Chief G. O. K. Ajayi, SAN as Alhaji Shugaba’s Attorney. Chief Segun Osoba led Sketch Newspapers provided the best intensive and informative coverage of that constitutional crisis and my late friend Prince Sam Akanmode was the Correspondent. Sam compiled his reportage into a book for posterity.
(iii) In this Forth Republic, Chief Bola Tinubu, the Governor of Lagos State on behalf of Lagos State Government, sometimes along with his colleagues of the AD and even with many governors of the other political parties had successfully exploited judicial processes to restore some modicum of federal constitutional arrangement into the current setting. Readers will remember the contest over section 7 and 8 of the 1999 Constitution as amended as they relate with the power of the state to create Local Government.
(iv) The Supreme Court gave favourable judgments in favour of Lagos Government against arbitrary Federal Government actions. Even though the Supreme Court declared that President Obasanjo had no legal nor constitutional right to withhold the Lagos State Local Governments Fund, yet, the President contemptuously refused to pay that money to the Lagos State Government until he left office after his third term bid collapsed and or failed. There were other matters on onshore and offshore ownership tussle between Federal and State Governments and the last victory of Lagos State Government over the Federal Government was as to who has the legitimate control over the Coastal Foreshore in the Osborne foreshore case.
23. COMMENDABLE AFENIFERE CONTRIBUTIONS TO NIGERIA’S DEVELOPMENT
i. As a Movement of ideas, the burden of standing in gap for Nigeria against the successive military dictatorship and their military in civilian dress tyrannies have been the lot of Yoruba Nationalists and Activists principally along with other compatriots since pre-independence till the present time. At any critical time of strong opposition against tyrannical rule of successive Nigerian state, the greatest majority of the Leading Activists that are usually oppressed, dehumanized, incarcerated and sometimes declared missing are mostly from the South West along with Kwara and Kogi activists. There are statistical records to prove this assertion. The young Ikorodu political activists who protested the annulment of Bashorun M. K.O. Abiola Presidential victory of June 12, 1993 were shot at sight on Ikorodu road reliably on the directive of the Lagos Military caucus led by Gen. Abacha. And when we attempted to give the activists a befitting burial and the family along with us went to the morgue to collect their remains at LASUTH, the Abacha’s Intelligence Outfit denied us the grace for such burial. The parents were directed to collect the remains of their beloved children and go and buried them without any ceremony, another instance of slapping someone and denying the fellow the permission to cry.
ii. The Action Group and the Unity Party of Nigeria were constructed on relatively ideological platforms e.g.
Life more Abundant – for the AG
Democratic Socialism – UPN
For example, the UPN in the 2nd Republic had Four Cardinal Programmes namely:
1. Free Education
2. Free Medical Services
3. Gainful Employment
4. Integrated Rural Development.
Therefore all elected party functionaries were conversant with the ideological philosophy which they must pursue and or execute while in offices. There was no room for divergent, uncoordinated and individualistic 5, 7, 9, 12 etc. points’ agenda of many State Governors as you now have. It’s even difficult to assess their performances because there were no agreed party irreducible minimum and actionable categorical imperatives to which they voluntarily subscribed.
24. The Afenifere Leaders who along with other like minds and elder statesmen, retired senior citizens, professionals, civil society groups, students, women, religious and traditional rulers etc. established the National Democratic Coalition, (NADECO) have creditably led their colleagues to campaign vigorously for a return to FEDERAL CONSTITUTION upon which Nigerian secured its independence in 1960. At great costs and risks to their lives, well-being and families, they have not stopped speaking the following truth among others to successive power/ leaders of the Nigerian State; THAT
a. 1960 Independence and its follow up 1963 Republican Constitutions are the only legal and legitimate constitutions of Nigeria. Since the Military staged it’s violent toppling of Prime Minister, Tafawa Balewa’s government in 1966, Nigeria had been governed arbitrarily and illegitimately, (stricto senso) through military decrees including the 1999 Constitution which was brought into existence by Decree 24 of 1999. All agencies and institutions created under those decrees even though they might have been supposedly transformed into Acts and Enactments remain illegal till tomorrow, since the law does not allow you to build something on nothing. The theoreticians who perhaps subscribe to the positive wing of jurisprudence claim that successful coup begats its legality are denying the fact that sovereignty belongs to the people of Nigeria and remains the proprietary rights of the people from which governments derive their powers, authority and legitimacy.
b. The decrees have centralized and unitarised the Nigerian State, suspended, and abrogated the negotiated Federal Constitution which recognized the unquestionable fact and reality that Nigeria is an heterogeneous country with diversities of language, religion, tradition, custom, artefact, folklore, more, moral which cannot be centrally legislated upon without national mutual mistrust, injustice, inequity, unfair play and willful and or total disregard and or respect for the protection, defence and consolidation of the rule of law. All these have led to high level of political instability and incohesion. The ongoing unbelievable National insecurity and the undisguised empowerment of Non-State Actors who have become more potent and dominant than the Nigerian security apparatus are clear indications of the negative consequences of centralization and unitarisation of the Nigerian State.
The current misrule (centralized and unitarised) is unsustainable having regard to the unconcealed, provocative and insensitive government policies and conduct. The unhidden nepotic Presidential appointments to sensitive offices, like the National Security Council, NNPC, Nigeria Custom, Immigration, NPA etc. in clear violation of Chapter 11 of the 1999 Constitution dealing with Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principle of State Policy, Section 14(3) which compels the observance of and adherence to Federal character principle make the current setting unsustainable. The usual resort to allegations of conspiracy theory that those who speak truth to power want to delegitimize and or remove the current government from office illegally or through the back door remains a disingenuous defence mechanism
THE CAMPAIGN TO GIVE EDUCATION ITS PRIME IMPORTANCE
25. The future of any nation as to its future depends on the standard and quality of education it gives her young ones. Chief Obafemi Awolowo as early as the 1950s was ready to spend up to 40% of the government income on education. Japan, South Korea of today not to talk of other ASIAN TIGERS have proven that a country that places high premium today on education and as a result is lacking in one or other services is most likely to win back in multiple folds what it currently lacks. After the USA bombed Hiroshima, Japan was busy teaching her young people under whatever shades it could find. Today, JAPAN is the Leader in Automobile, Electronics, Electrical, ICT etc. The same can be true of us if our leaders stopped been ungodly, immoral, and selfish. Their own wards study in elitist schools in Nigeria and abroad while the public schools are left to rot. In spite of UNESCO recommendation in 1976 that member nations should allocate not less than 26% of their budget into education, the Nigerian State for most times allocates averagely between 5-10% to education only to set up unproductive and corruption prone agencies for its administration. The underbelly of Nigerian education reveals that in some states, private schools are 500% more than public schools. Teachers in public schools particularly tertiary ones are equally on strike for almost 50% of school calendar. Those whose disposition to education is suspect and contemptuous of Western Education are the ones forced down on us to manage education for the whole country. The product of Free Education of 1st and 2nd Republics are leaders in various areas of Nigeria needs today. That is why anyone who wants to marginalize education in Yoruba land will always end up in shame and sorrow because education is the leveler that can make children from poor homes become top leaders of tomorrow. And our people will ultimately reject such political merchants who mostly got so elected through diversed electoral miracles/ manipulations to satisfy the interest of military loyalists, surrogates, acolytes’ sympathizers and conduit pipes to cover up their tracks.
QUA VADIS AFENIFERE?
26(i) Since we have historically and factually established that Action Group was the registered political party but Afenifere had always being a Movement in Yorubaland of those who subscribe to Chief Awolowo’s Political Philosophy of Life more Abundant and that it was the Registers of Afenifere membership in Yoruba States including Kogi and Kwara that were used to register AD in 1998, it stands to reason that those who may still desire to pursue their political ambition outside whatever the “progressive” political camp adopted as close to the Action Group tendency should be bold and honest enough to leave Afenifere. The platform should no more be used for political expediency. The unfortunate inconsistencies of some of those who are associating themselves with Afenifere when it suited them only to railroad themselves into Afenifere again after their political misadventures and or miscalculations have negatively impacted on the credibility and acceptability of the Movement. After all, Yoruba tradition and culture support plurality of views and opinions but that the best of such should lead our Nationality. We all must be mindful of the Yoruba proverb which enjoins our people not to sleep and position their heads in the same direction. The others should be free to present their programs along with others from which our people should be free to make their choices.
(ii) The most important pre-occupation of any serious minded political group in Yoruba Nation today is to make room for reconciliation so as to unite their ranks. The past political misadventures and or miscalculations, unprincipled politics leading to inconsistencies of colleagues and their sister organizations should be forgiven in the overall interest of the Yoruba Nation if those inconsistent members resolve to discipline themselves and stop playing politics at all costs and or without any moral value. The situation is dire and we must fend off in one accord those who have contempt for our nationality values. It has been done before; it can still be done.
(iii) The various political platforms in Yoruba Nation must appreciate that their focus must be on how to legally and legitimately secure freedom and liberty for our people to pursue their individual and group ambitions to showcase their talents and ingenuity to benefit themselves and the society at large as Nigeria returns to Federal Constitutional governance which can guarantee all Nigerians fair play, justice, equity, respect for as well as protection defence and consolidation of the rule of law.
(iv) As a matter of relevance, significance and consequence between dedicated and unrelenting pursuit of ensuring that Nigeria returns to Federal Constitutional Governance and Parliamentary system of government on one hand and the rat race for 2023 election, those who have genuine publicly spirited commitments and have experience and deep understanding of the inter-play of forces in heterogeneous societies, the choice for them as a priority would most likely be unmistakenly for securing a federal constitutional governance.
(v) If you ask those running the rat race for any election what quantum of tangible gains have accrued to our people as a result of many elections that have been held since 1999? You probably will be amazed at their responses. Political operators and their minions and surrogates as well as their families may be celebrating their ungodly and immorally amassed and underserved wealth, but they should be reminded of the injunction from the bible “Godliness and Contentment is a great gain” “For we brought nothing into this world, and it is certain we can carry nothing out”1Timothy 6:6-7. Our people are experiencing excruciating anguish and unbelievable level of poverty that must be arrested NOW and IMMEDIATELY before something gives. Some of us paid heavy prices to restore the current hybrid democratic/civilian governance currently in experiment. Those who have amassed so much money that they can always relocate to the middle east and western countries should be mindful of the consequences of their actions which have held Nigeria down without possibility of any progress unless we return to Federal Constitutional governance for the greatest good of all Nigerians. Those who have opposing views to the necessity for Federal Constitutional Governance in an heterogeneous society are welcome to let us do realistic comparative analysis of Unitarism and Federal System in an enlightened setting, not wanting to please the current power holders. There are enough credible and educative authorities that have intellectually provided superior rationale necessitating the choice of Federal Constitution in any heterogeneous geographical space or country.
(vi) We can decide to make a nation out of this country called Nigeria if Afenifere adherents resolve to bury the hatchet, unite their ranks and ensure that anyone who will seek for the votes of our people must prove his abiding faith in the just struggle for our liberation from this suffocating forced union whereby some have assumed a higher status of being the OWNERS of the Nigerian project while the rest of us are treated as spectators and onlookers. The current national structure is unsustainable, and so therefore, pretentious unitarism and centralized governance can only permanently imperil the Nigerian project to which all Nationalities should have ordinarily and willingly subscribe.
May God Almighty grant us the grace to witness more AFENIFERE anniversaries. And may we continue to see the goodness of the Lord in the land of the living. Thank you for your attention.
Long Live AFENIFERE!
Long Live Oodua Sons and Daughters!
Long Live the Yoruba Nation!
WESTERN ELECTION, 1951— COLONIAL GOVERNMENT PUBLIC RELATIONS OFFICER, MR. COOPER’S ACCOUNT
I also seek your indulgence to correct the false accusation by the NCNC about carpet crossing after the 1951 Regional Election by reading carefully without bias this Colonial account of event.
When the election into the Western Region House of Assembly was completed in November 1951, the Action Group was surprised it won only 29 out of the 80 seats contested. In fact, the (AG) lost in all the constituencies in Ibadan; the capital city of the Western Region, Nigeria and likewise in Lagos, the capital of Nigeria. The AG had expected that as the “party of the Yorùbá it would sweep the elections with ease, at all levels; and in so doing, form the regional government. However, in Ibadan, the IPP won all the six seats up for grabs while in Lagos; the NCNC won all the available five seats. The correct version of this history goes thus: To avert conflicting claims over candidates, Mr. Harold Cooper, the Government Public Relations Officer, wrote to the parties to furnish a list of the candidates contesting election on their platforms. Only the Action Group complied with this request and its list of candidates was as follows: Ijebu Remo Division – Obafemi Awolowo and M.S. Sowole; Ijebu Ode Division – S.O. Awokoya, Rev. S.A. Banjo and V.D. Phillips; Oyo Division – Chief Bode Thomas, Abiodun Akerele, A.B.P. Martins, T.A. Amao and SB Eyitayo; Osun Division – SL Akintola, J.O. Adigun, J.O. Oroge, S.I. Ogunwale, I. A. Adejare, J.A. Ogunmuyiwa and S.O. Ola; Ondo Division – P. A. Ladapo and G.A. Deko; Okitipupa Division – Dr. L.B. Lebi, CA Tewe and SO Tubo; Epe Division – SL Edu, AB Gbajumo, Obafemi Ajayi and C.A. Williams; Ikeja Division – O. Akeredolu-Ale, SO Gbadamosi and FO Okuntola; Badagry Division – Chief CD Akran, Akinyemi Amosu and Rev. GM Fisher; Egba Division – J.F. Odunjo, Alhaji A.T. Ahmed, CPA Cole, Rev S.A. Daramola, Akintoye Tejuoso, SB Sobande, IO Delano and A Adedamola.
The others were as follows: Egbado Division – J.A.O. Odebiyi, D.A. Fafunmi, Adebiyi Adejumo, A. Akin Illo and P.O. Otegbeye; Ife Division – Rev S.A. Adeyefa, D.A. Ademiluyi, J.O. Opadina, and S.O. Olagbaju; Ekiti Division – E.A. Babalola, Rev. J Ade Ajayi, S.K. Familoni, S.A. Okeya and D Atolagbe; Owo Division – Michael Adekunle Ajasin, A.O. Ogedengbe, JA Agunloye, LO Omojola and R.A. Olusa; Western Ijaw Division – Pere EH Sapre-Obi and MF Agidee; Ishan Division – Anthony Enahoro; Urhobo Division – WE Mowarin, J.B. Ohwinbiri and JD Ifode; Warri Division – Arthur Prest and O. Otere, and Kukuruku Division – D.J.I. Igenuma.
Of the names on the list, only MA Ajasin from Owo Division, which comprised Akoko then, did not run because of party solidarity and unity in Owo. He stood down for A.O. Ogedengbe and R.A. Olusa to contest two of the three seats, which they won, while D.K. Olumofin won the third for the NCNC. Three secretaries of the Action Group, who ran as independents and won were: Alhaji D.S. Adegbenro, Egba Division; J.O. Osuntokun, Ekiti Division and S.O. Hassan, Epe Division.
At the close of polls on 24 September 1951, the Action Group had won 38 of the 72 seats in contention in the Regional Assembly. There were a total of 80 seats. Lagos had five seats in the West Regional Assembly all won by the NCNC in the election of 20 November 1951, while Benin had three won by Otu Edo candidates in the election of 6 December 1951. The poll had been postponed in Lagos and Benin following security concerns. Of the 68 candidates on the list furnished by the Action Group to the Government PR Department, 38 of the elected AG members were from that list. And they were as follows: Ijebu Remo – Obafemi Awolowo and M.S. Sowole; Ijebu Ode – Rev. SA Banjo and S.O. Awokoya; Oyo – Bode Thomas, Abiodun Akerele, ABP Thomas, TA Amao and SB Eyitayo; Osun – S.L. Akintola, J.O. Adigun, JA Oroge, S.I. Ogunwale, I. A. Adejare, J.A. Ogunmuyiwa and S.O. Ola.
Other elected AG members from the list were: Egba – J.F. Odunjo, Alhaji AT Ahmed, Rev. S.A. Daramola and Prince Adedamola; Egbado (now Yewa) – J.A.O. Odebiyi, D.A. Fafunmi and A. Akin Illo; Ekiti – E.A. Babalola and Rev. J. Ade-Ajayi; Badagry – Chief CD Akran and Rev. G.M. Fisher; Ikeja – SO Gbadamosi and O Akeredolu-Ale; Ife – Rev. S.A. Adeyefa and SO Olagbaju; Owo – AO Ogedengbe and RA Olusa; Epe – Safi Lawal Edu; Okitipupa – C.A. Tewe; Western Ijaw – M.F. Agidee; Ishan – Anthony Enahoro, and Warri – Arthur Prest.
In addition to the Action Group and the NCNC, there were local/divisional parties such as the Ibadan People’s Party (IPP), led by Chief AMA Akinloye; Ondo Improvement League, and Otu Edo of Benin. At the end of poll, the standing of the parties was as follows: Action Group 38; NCNC/Independents 25; IPP 6 and Ondo Improvement League 2. Otu Edo candidates won the three Benin seats, namely, Chief S.O. Ighodaro, Chief Humphrey Omo-Osagie and Chief Chike Ekwuyasi. Chief Ighodaro opted for the AG, while the latter two went to the NCNC. And of the six IPP elected members, only Adegoke Adelabu joined the NCNC. The rest of them: AMA Akinloye, Chief DT Akinbiyi (who later became the Olubadan of Ibadan), Chief SO Lanlehin, Moyosore Aboderin and SA Akinyemi, opted for the Action Group. The NCNC National Secretary, the late Chief Kola Balogun had sent declaration forms to the IPP assemblymen asking them to declare for the NCNC but Chief Akinloye returned all the forms uncompleted.
The three AG secretaries who had run as independents – Adegbenro, Osuntokun and Hassan, five IPP members, one Etu Edo, and one Ondo Improvement League, Chief F.O. Awosika; and Chief Timothy Adeola Odutola (Independent, Ijebu Ode) had swollen the number of the AG elected members. All the transactions had taken place before the inauguration of the Regional Assembly on 7 January 1952. These were not known members of the NCNC, nor did the party publish their names on the list of its candidates. For over a half century, the NCNC is yet to provide evidence to back its claim that it had won the West Regional election in 1951.
Mr. Cooper absolved his department of responsibility for the controversy generated by the NCNC after the election. At a post-election news conference in Lagos he said that “Of the winning candidates, the names of 38 were on the list sent to me by the Action Group. The six successful candidates at Ibadan were all among those who had been identified to me as representing the Ibadan People’s Party. No claim of any kind had reached us about the party affiliation of the remaining successful candidates.” Why did the NCNC not send a list of its candidates for the poll to the Government PR Department before that poll? The records of the poll conducted in the West and all over Nigeria by the colonial administration are available at the National Archives and can be accessed by any honest researcher. In this matter, it is facts that speak, not what some political/ethnic partisan said or did not say, as shown below.
Faced with this set of circumstances, the Egbé Omo Oduduwa lured twenty victorious candidates on the ticket of the smaller rival parties to join the Action Group; thereby tilting the balance in favor of the party, against its primary opponent; the NCNC. Some of the leaders of the small parties were offered ministerial appointments to join the AG. One of them was Chief Augustus Akinloye who was appointed the Nigerian Minister of Agriculture and Natural Resources; and who reciprocated by persuading four out of his five victorious colleagues in the IPP into joining the AG. The only IPP member who refused to join the AG was Hon Chief Adegoke Adelabu, who, instead, joined the more national NCNC.
The Ibadan electorate did not take kindly to the defection of its elected representatives on the platform of IPP to the Action Group. They used the opportunity of the 1954 federal elections and the 1956 regional elections to express their aversion of the Action Group. In the 1954 Federal elections, when both parties went head to head; the NCNC won 22 seats in the House of Representatives of Nigeria while the AG secured 19 seats. In Ibadan, the capital city of the Western Region, the ruling party AG secured just one out of the five federal seats up for grabs. The loathing of the AG by the Ibadan electorate was further demonstrated in the regional elections, which was held on May 26, 1956. Despite the fact that the election was held after the AG had been in power for five years, and had implemented significant social projects, particularly in the area of education; the results for 1956 were: 48 seats won by the AG and 32 seats by the NCNC. However, a closer scrutiny of the actual votes cast revealed that, the margin of victory between the AG and the NCNC was just 39,270 votes. The AG got 623,826 or (48.3%) of total votes, while the NCNC got 584,556 or (45.3%) of the total votes cast. The battle lines had been drawn; the ensuing mayhem and ruthless machinations that encapsulated the Ibadan political scene, degenerated and continued to spiral out of control until 1966, when the military seized control of the government, and banned all political parties in Nigeria.
In summary, the Action Group entered into an Alliance relationship with the Ibadan Peoples Party, IPP and others just as the NCNC went into Alliance with the NPC in order to form a majority at the National level. Except for pernicious posturing and unbridled hypocracy if the NCNC alliance with the NPC was not described as carpet crossing, that which was struck by the AG and others should not have been given negative/pejorative description.
CHIEF OBAFEMI AWOLOWO’S RESIGNATION LETTER FROM THE FEDERAL EXECUTIVE COUNCIL DATED JUNE 13, 1971 TO GENERAL YAKUBU GOWON.
My dear Commander-in-Chief,
You will recall that in a statement made by me and published in the SUNDAY TIMES of March 30, 1969, I declared, among other things, as follows:
“Even at the federal level, I have no desire whatsoever, and I certainly cannot be tempted or induced to develop one, to head, or participate in an unelected or even an electoral-college elected civil administration in a military or any setting. At the moment, I am participating in the activities of the military government because I have been invited, and I also think it is right, so to do. I am, therefore, obliged, morally and for the purpose of keeping Nigeria united, to take part, as fully as I can, in any measure designed, in particular, to keep the Ibos as a constituent ethnic unit in the federation of Nigeria, enjoying equal and identical status and benefits with other ethnic units, and in general, to preserve Nigeria as an economic and political entity.”
I should have, in accordance with this declaration, relinquished my present offices soon after the end of the civil war in January last year. But one main matter decided me against such an immediate course of action. As you know, before January 1970, the four-year development and reconstruction plan had been under active preparation, and it had been hoped that it would be launched early in the 1970/71 fiscal year. It was my strong desire to participate in the consideration of this plan. As it turned out, however, the plan was not actually considered until August 1970.
By that time, three other factors had supervened. First, the capital estimates for 1970/71 had been delayed until the launching of the four-year development plan, which did not take place until November last year. At this late stage, I decided that the capital estimates of 1970/71 should be incorporated into those of 1971/72.
Second, by November 1970, the time for the introduction of the 1971/72 budget was only some four months away.
Third, as from September 1970, our foreign exchange position had started to undergo an unusual rapid deterioration. It occurred to me, in all these circumstances:
That it would be untidy for me to leave without completing the budget for 1970/71; That it would be hardly fair to my successor for me to leave at a time when preparations for the 1970/71 budget had actively begun under my direction, and; That it might be interpreted in some circles as an act of bad faith for me to leave at a time when our foreign exchange was in such a bad state, and no sensible formula had been found for arresting its deterioration.
Now with the peace and unity of our great country fully restored and firmly re-established; with the four-year development plan already considered and launched and the capital estimates for 1970/71 completed; with the 1971/72 budget done and a reasonable solution devised for our acute foreign exchange, I feel free to act in accordance with one of my fundamental beliefs, referred to in paragraph 1 above, and publicly declared on March 10, 1969-EIGHTEEN CLEAR MONTHS before the military government’s political programme was announced by you on October 1, 1970.
I would, therefore, like to notify you that, with effect from July 1, 1971, I am no longer willing to continue in the offices of federal commissioner for Finance and vice-president of the Federal Executive Council.
Supplementary to the forgoing, there is another important reason for my present action. After four truly (I hesitate to say exceedingly) exacting (though thoroughly stimulating and educative) years in the Federal Ministry of Finance which, throughout the period, was incessantly beset with fiscal and monetary problems of unprecedented dimensions, and of peculiarly complex and tantalizing nature, I deem it to be in the interest of my continued good health to have a complete change of full-time occupation.
As to my future plan, I have decided to go back to legal practice. I also want to seize the opportunity, which the military government’s six-year political programme provides, to write, if my professional engagement permit, three books which have always been very much on my mind. The research connected with two of these books will take me to selected developing countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, as well to ECA and OAU secretariats in Addis Ababa, the offices of some United Nations agencies in New York, and London University.
I would like to state that though, by this resignation, I am leaving your government and literary activities as mentioned above, it does not mean that I am completely relinquishing all public services to our country and people.
On the contrary, it is my resolve to continue, in all circumstances and until my life’s end, to see the best interests of our fatherland, and promote the welfare and happiness of our people, in every way possible.
In this connection, I would like to assure you that I shall always be willing, on a purely AD HOC basis and providing my professional commitments permit, to render, at your request and without any remuneration whatsoever, any particular service which is within my competence to give.
After my appointment in 1967, I submitted to you a STATEMENT OF AFFAIRS (i.e. OF MY ASSETS AND LIABILITIES) as at June 30, 1967. In keeping with the code of conduct to which I subscribed, I am obliged to send you my statement of affairs as at June 30, 1971. It is, however, not possible to send the statement along with this letter. But my accountants are already working on it and as soon as it is finalized up to June 30, 1971, I shall forward it to you.
In closing, I would like, in all sincerity, to say two things:
Firstly, I have tremendously enjoyed working with you; and it is not without considerable reluctance, therefore, that I have to take this step.
Secondly, I will always remember with deep gratitude, your kindness to me in releasing me from prison, and in giving me, within a year of my release, an opportunity to serve our people of Nigeria once again in a ministerial capacity, and at a time when the very existence of our fatherland was in grave peril.
With best wishes to Victoria and your good self, and love to Ibrahim.
Yours very sincerely,
GENERAL YAKUBU GOWON’S REPLY:
My dear Chief,
I wish to acknowledge the receipt of your letter dated June3, 1971, intimating me of your decision to relinquish your appointments as the vice-president of the Federal Executive Council and Federal Commissioner for Finance with effect from July 1, 1971.
For some time, there have been rumours about your leaving the government, but I was sure, however, that if there was such an intention you would have not hesitated to notify me.
Since I know that you must have taken your decision after the most careful consideration, no useful purpose would be served by any attempt to make you change your mind.
It is, therefore, with the greatest regret and reluctance that I have to concede to your request. In accepting your decision, I would like to place on record my personal appreciation of your most valuable contribution to our achievements during the last four years.
You have earned for yourself respect from all of us who have seen you at close quarters, for your patriotism, coupled with a strong well-meaning conviction on issues of national importance.
I respect your maturity, objectivity, and sagacity, all of which you placed at my disposal; above all, for your advice and co-operation at all times.
Your outstanding performance as this government’s Commissioner for Finance during one of the most critical and turbulent periods of our history will always be remembered. You demonstrated, consistently, great courage, forthrightness, leadership, and a spirit of understanding which helped us to get out of our financial disaster.
That we did not succumb to the temptation to devalue our currency during the crisis and were able to win the war entirely out of our own resources and face resolutely the immediate post-war problems of rehabilitation, reconstruction and reconciliation was due, in no small measures, to your skill in the management of our finances.
I am aware that your position in this government, particularly as Commissioner for Finance, will be difficult to fill. However, I have a consolation in the fact that during your tenure of office, you laid a sound foundation on which your successors could build and carry on the good work.
I have no doubt that, at this moment, you will have the feeling that you have done your best. I share your feelings, too; and wish to extend my appreciation of the contribution of your dear wife who had to bear more than her share of domestic burdens as a result of your public assignment.
I am glad to note and to accept your offer to hold yourself in readiness for assignment which the Federal Government may consider necessary to give you even when you will no longer be directly associated with public life.
Since there will be occasions soon for me and your colleagues in government to state our assessment of your contribution to the service of this nation in the last four years, I now merely wish to say how sorry I am to lose your services. We will miss your great sense of humour, your debating ability and useful suggestions at all times.
On behalf of myself, your colleagues on the Federal Executive Council, and the people of our great country, I wish you many more years of useful life.
My wife and Ibrahim join me in wishing you every success in your next sphere of life.
Yours most sincerely,
MAJOR-GENERAL YAKUBU GOWON