Men and Women who had put their lives on the line to fight the apartheid monster, are now suspicious of themselves. Comrades who Wednesday under the Umkhonto We Sizwe (MK) the ANC armed wing clutched AK47s and shared bloody trenches in the war for freedom, justice and liberation, are now in serious political fights intent on tearing the very fabrics of the ANC.

As I walked down the streets of Johannesburg, I saw the faces of people who have expectations but are faced with anxiety and uncertainty.  They know that their country is very rich.

They are also aware that the war of liberation was to share in a more equitable way, the riches of their country including its fertile lands. These legitimate expectations and reality, however seek a balance with another reality; that those who control the South African wealth would not readily yield control. 

The ANC and the populace fear that to push through needed reforms and ensure an equitable society might lead to the Zimbabwean road.

The South African 1913 Land Act had given the majority black population only 7.2 per cent of the lands. Today, at least 80 per cent of the lands are in private hands, mainly whites.

Ironically, the struggle for the ANC’s soul is not based on any of these challenges or fundamental issues of governance.

I discussed with a number of ANC cadres and found that a major source of dispute is the alleged “centralization of power and growing dictatorship” A cadre told me “You can’t have somebody or a group of people lead the organization continuously not wanting to yield power” Another points accusing figures at Jacob Zuma and his supporters.

This also featured in the bitter exchanges of the last few weeks. Thabo Mbeki supporter and immediate past ANC Chairman Mosiuoa “Terror” Lekota said Zuma’s group was repressing opposing views, and had “…hounded out or purged from the organization and state structures” Mbeki’s supporters adding that now the ANC engages in practices that are dangerous to democracy.

But the Zuma group accused Mbeki and his supporters of reducing ANC NEC meetings “… to an animal farm” where those with opposing views were subjected to verbal assaults. They mentioned the alleged humiliation of the legendary Nelson Mandela.

Another issue centred on Mbeki’s alleged dictatorship including the sack of Zuma as the country’s Deputy President. The former’s supporters told me that Mbeki had privately called Zuma and asked him to resign and that it was his refusal that led to his sack.

A third point was Zuma supporters allegation that Mbeki’s attempt to be ANC President for a third term pointed to dictatorship and an attempt to introduce Third Term in the Country’s Presidency. To Mbeki’s supporters; the ANC needs to be differentiated from South Africa’s Presidency.

A major source of schism is the alleged humiliation of Mbeki; forcing him to resign based on a judge’s pronouncement in a case in which he was not a party. For Zuma’s group, they merely administered the same medicine Mbeki gave Zuma by sacking him as Deputy President based on a judge’s statement in a case in which Zuma was not a party. To Mbeki’s supporters his removal had all the trappings of a coup d’etat.

To the Zuma group, the removal was “not a crisis, but a democratic process” A Cadre told me, “In removing Comrade Mbeki, there were no arms used, no violence, it was a smooth transition”.

They are also divided over public statements made by Lekota and the then Premier of Gauteng (Johannesburg). Mbhazima Shilowa which openly challenged the ANC.  The latter’s supporters said it was in line with democratic free speech. To Zuma’s supporters, it is anti-party. One told me “In the ANC, we practice democratic centralism; there can be various debates, but once a decision is taken, it becomes binding. We will not have two centres of power”.

They accused Mbeki of plotting to destroy not only Zuma but also leading ANC leaders like Mathew Phosa, now ANC Treasurer, Tokyo Sexwale a former Mbeki rival for the Presidency and Cyril Ramaphosa, Mandela’s favourite for the Presidency.  The threesome were accused of treason by Mbeki but were never tried. But Shilowa who wrote a public testimonial on Mbeki said “The President (Mbeki) believed in the adage rather have them inside the tent pissing out than have them outside pissing in”.

There are few people in a position to call both sides to peace talks. Archbishop Desmond Tutu openly canvasses for the splitting of the ANC saying the country is tending towards a “one party State” Tutu accused the Zuma leadership of being “…into the business of rubbing peoples noses into the dust”.

The last Apartheid South Africa President F.W. de Klerk apparently enjoying the controversy and possible split wrote. “There is inevitably some uncertainty regarding the role Jacob Zuma will play in our future because of allegations surrounding his involvement in the arms deal”.

But interestingly, I found that the cadres I spoke to on both sides of the ANC divide were not really interested in the arms deal issue. It had merely being based on deductions by Judge Hilary Squires. 

He had found an arms dealer, Schabir Shark guilty and had insinuated that since Zuma had previous business relationship with him, Zuma might be a beneficiary.

But the judge had said that although he thinks Zuma has a case to answer, the case would not be winnable in court. When the case eventually went to court, Judge Chris Nicholson threw it out and accused government of carrying out a political vendetta against Zuma.

The final verdict on Zuma may come at the elections next year when South Africans decide with their votes whether they can entrust their future and that of their Children into his care. But brfore then, the ANC would have split.

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